how to make a good inaugural speech

Inauguration Speech

Inauguration speech generator.

Elections are a very stressful and overwhelming time for most people. It is the time when the right to suffrage is practiced by the people in order to vote for the candidates they think are worthy of the positions they run for. Not only that, the results of the elections will help determine the future of state, town, and most especially the whole country. It is a very significant and one of the most important days when people have to decide on what and who will be good for the whole state and country.

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During the elections period, you need to choose the candidate that best stands for what you believe is just and right. After a certain period intended for the candidates’ campaigns, the election day immediately follows. During the exact date for the election, you go to your poll, fill out your ballot, and put it the ballot box; you have officially cast your vote. Then what happens? After all the votes are counted, and the winning candidates are announced, an inauguration then follows. You often hear the word  inauguration  on election period. But what does that really mean and what does this entail?

What Happens on Inauguration Day?

By definition, inauguration means the beginning or introduction of a system, policy, or period; the formal admission of someone to office, or a ceremony to mark the beginning of something. During election period, inauguration is a formal ceremony wherein an elected public official begins his/her term of office. Although the word is commonly used and associated with elections, it can also mean the opening or first public use of a new civic area, organization, or project such as new library, museum, hospital, etc. Simply put, inauguration pertains to a new beginning, be it about people in office or newly opened buildings or infrastructures.

Since the inauguration day during the election period is the most common example, you should know what happens during the said event in the USA. On the exact date of the scheduled inauguration day, it starts with a morning worship service. The morning worship service is a tradition during such a monumental day that started in 1993 with Franklin D. Roosevelt and his first lady Eleanor; they attended church at St. John’s Episcopal Church near the White House. It has then set a precedent that has been diligently followed by all the other newly elected high officials of the country.

After the morning worship service, the procession to the Capitol follows. Although there have been changes with the vehicles used during the procession, this has been a tradition since the inauguration of George Washington in 1789 to have the president-elect, the vice president-elect and their spouses proceed to the swearing-in ceremony in the White House. They are escorted by the Joint Congressional Committee on Inaugural Ceremonies (JCCIC). It is an iconic procession that leads to the grounds where the newly elected president and vice president of the country will take their oath.

The vice president’s swearing-in  ceremony is immediately conducted once the procession arrives at the White House. This is when the vice president takes his/her oath of office. According to the U.S. constitution, the vice president doesn’t have a specific oath unlike that of the president. There has been quite a few officials who have administered the vice president’s oath. After this follows the president’s swearing-in ceremony where the chief justice of the Supreme Court administers the president’s oath. Some past inaugurations were held in front of New York’s Federal Hall and in Philadelphia like that of George Washington’s swearing-in ceremony, It wasn’t until 1801 when the swearing-in ceremony move to its current location in Washington, DC.

After all the swearing-in of the highest ranking elected official, the inaugural address follows. The tradition of giving an inauguration address began with George Washington with the shortest inauguration speech on record with only 135 words for his entire speech. However, the tradition many early presidents delivered their address before taking oath, the proceeding has been changed and the speech follows the oath. After the speech, the outgoing president and his spouse departs from the White House to proceed on their post-presidential lives. In the past, previous presidents leave the Capitol a day or two before the oath of the incoming president. But on the current days, incoming presidents and vice presidents have escorted the previous officials following the swearing-in ceremony.

After all the public appearances portion of the inauguration day, it has also been a tradition to hold an inauguration luncheon hosted by the JCCIC for the president, vice president, their spouses and other dignitaries. Following the luncheon, the newly elected president and vice president proceeds to Pennsylvania Avenue to the White House as a procession of ceremonial military regiments, citizens’ groups, marching bands, and floats follow. After the inaugural parade, a tradition inaugural ball follows. The tradition for the inaugural ball began in 1809 with James Madison’s inauguration.

As you may have noticed, there is a strict procedure that needs to be followed when it comes to the inauguration day. Although there have been changes, the same steps however in different order are still followed up to this day.

Washington’s First Inaugural Address Example

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JFK Inaugural Address Example

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Reagan’s Inaugural Speech Example

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Thomas Flynn Inauguration Speech Example

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Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address Example

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How to Craft an Inaugural Speech

An inauguration speech can either leave the audience inspired and in awe or leave them bored and uninspired. As you may now know based on the discussion above, the highest ranking elected official delivers the inauguration speech where he/she can set the tone of the presidency. However, making these speeches is not an easy feat. To help you with crafting your own inspirational inauguration speech, an easy guide is provided below:

1. Choose an appropriate greeting for your audience

The greeting of your speech should set the tone for your entire speech. You should be able to open the speech warmly and let your audience feel as if they are a part of the momentous celebration. There are a couple of ways you can open the speech. It can be done through saying a quote, using a “what if” or “imagine” scenario, ask a question, use statistics, use statement or phrase, and so on. You should make the audience feel that you are as excited and as happy as they are with the celebration.

Here are some examples of inaugural speech greetings by previous US presidents:

• “I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.” — Richard M. Nixon , 1969
• “For myself and for our nation, I want to thank my predecessor for all he has done to heal our land.” — Jimmy Carter , 1977
• “Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal. This ceremony is held in the depth of winter, but by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring, a spring reborn in the world’s oldest democracy that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.” — Bill Clinton , 1993

2. Describe the state of the nation

In this part of the speech you should remind the people of the current state of the nation. However, that does not mean you only include all the negative, also give emphasis on the positive things that have happened in the nation. This will help you set the tone for your term; if you feel like the negative outweighs the positive, then bring focus to that. Let the audience get in touch of the actual happenings of the present. Let them understand that the nation has still so much to improve on that way you can invoke them to do something about it together with you.

3. Pick a relevant issue and lay out your presidential plan

Although there will always be a lot of issues going on at the same time, as they say, you have to pick your battles. You have to know what your people want you to prioritize. Pick the issue you know the people have been wanting change for quite a while. Once you know what you have to work on, you set your plans on how to resolve the issue. And in your speech, express your presidential plans or the platforms you have ever since the campaign periods. Make the people know you are serious and determined to solve the issue be it about poverty, war, foreign policy, equality, and so on.

4. Inspire your audience

After you remind the people of the difficulties your nation is battling with, you need to give them hope that everything will be all right, that you will give your all in order to solve the current issues you country is facing. Aside from that, you need to inspire them to do their part, inspire them to give you a hand to resolve such matters. Inspire them to be better and responsible citizens of the country. You can use a quote, a strong phrase, or post a challenge to effectively get your point across.

5. Close your speech

If you think you have discussed or mentioned all the important points, you have to formally end you speech. And although it’s the end of the speech, let them know that you are still with them and you will fight their battles with them.

• “I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot gave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of of the Union, when again touched, as surely as they will be, by the better angels of our nature.” — Abraham Lincoln , 1861
• “Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested, we refused to let this journey end; that we did not turn back, nor did we falter. And with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations. Thank you. God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.” — Barack Obama , 2009     

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Lesson Plan

Jan. 15, 2021, 1:30 p.m.

Write your own presidential inauguration speech

President Abraham Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address on March 4, 1865, near the end of the Civil War. Lincoln invited Black Americans to participate in the 1865 inaugural parade for the first time, two years after he issued the Emancipation Proclamation. via Library of Congress

Estimated time, grade level.

• Students will examine the elements of the presidential inauguration ceremony and understand the importance of the ceremony as a political norm and tradition.
• Students will research historic inaugural addresses and gain perspectives from presidential historians about the importance of the inaugural address and ceremony.
• Students will synthesize information about inaugural ceremonies and historical perspective and address the importance of national unity.
• What is the importance of the presidential inauguration ceremony towards the peaceful transition of power?
• Why is it important for elected members of the federal government and former presidents to attend the Presidential Inauguration?
• What are 2-3 themes (such as "national unity," a theme of Biden's address) that you would want to address if you were being sworn in as president of the United States?
• What are 2-3 inspirational quotes that you would want to include in an inaugural address if you were being sworn in as president of the United States?
• Take a swing at presidential speech writing. Write between 100-500 words of an inaugural address using themes and inspirational quotes that you chose. Good luck!
• Optional : Send your speech to PBS NewsHour EXTRA! We would love to read your speech and share it with others over social media. You can email it to us directly or have your teacher tag @NewsHourEXTRA and use the hashtag #PBSInaugurationSpeech .

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What Makes a Good Inaugural Address

Historian and author Michael Beschloss used examples of five historic inaugural addresses to discuss what makes an effective inaugural addre… read more

Historian and author Michael Beschloss used examples of five historic inaugural addresses to discuss what makes an effective inaugural address. He cited the inaugural address of Lincoln (1865), Roosevelt (1933), Kennedy(1961), Reagan 1981, Bush (2001), and Obama (2009). close

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What makes an inaugural address great.

Calvin Woodward, in an article released by the Associated Press:

Ask not why so few inaugural speeches resonate long after they are given. History always will remember Abraham Lincoln's appeal to the "better angels of our nature." History probably has forgotten President Bush's flowery declaration four short years ago that an "angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm."

When Bush delivers his second inauguration address on Jan. 20, he may be hard pressed to say something truly for the ages. Not many presidents have, especially the second time around.

Among the 43 presidents, Lincoln, Franklin D. Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy are the acknowledged greats in inaugural oratory. In perilous times, their power of communication produced transcendent words that inspired not only those who heard them, but generations to come.

Kennedy speechwriter Ted Sorenson once boiled down the essentials of an inauguration address to these qualities: lofty, nonpartisan, visionary, anchored by basic principles.

All presidents want to add a line or phrase to the canon that will be quoted for decades, he said, but "attempting to craft one for that purpose, or even to identify in advance which phrase is the most memorable, is rarely successful."

Still, inaugural speeches follow a pattern of sorts, with common elements that date back to the first one.

Among them are:

•humility. Men of oversized egos see fit to express humility in their inauguration speeches. Thomas Jefferson opened and closed his first inaugural speech with an elaborate account of his shortcomings and asked people to forgive all the mistakes he was about to make.

•confidence. No matter how bad things are, an inaugural speech must promise better times are coming.

This can be done simply: "Can we solve the problems confronting us?" Ronald Reagan asked. "Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic 'yes.'"

Or, it can be done with a bit more panache: "There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America," Bill Clinton said.

Or, with FDR's historic boldness: "Let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself."

•rhetorical devices. Speakers employ what they hope is artful repetition. FDR in his second inaugural repeated the phrase "I see," as in "I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day."

Richard Nixon, in his second inaugural, chose "Let us," as in, "Let us build a structure of peace."

Teddy Roosevelt used alliteration, declaring "we shall not prove false to the memories of the men of the mighty past."

Many paint pictures in words. Reagan painted sounds.

He talked of a general falling to his knees in the hard snow of Valley Forge; Reagan wanted people to imagine the crunch.

Reagan asked Americans to imagine the patter of Lincoln's pacing of dark hallways, of men at the Alamo calling out encouragement to each other, of a settler pushing west and singing a song. "It is the American sound," Reagan said, "this most tender music."

•the past. Reverence for the Founding Fathers is a prerequisite dating back almost to their time. Because all was fresh and new, George Washington had no forefathers to celebrate. Instead, he spoke of the American "experiment" and "the sacred fire of liberty."

•divine power. Most presidents invoke God with great relish, however devout or not they are. Washington spoke of the "Parent of the Human Race" and the "Great Author of every public and private good" throughout his first inaugural. Teddy Roosevelt praised the "Giver of Good."

•hail fellows. From George Washington to George W. Bush, presidents have used one phrase more than any other to address the public directly in an inaugural speech: "Fellow citizens." FDR departed from the norm in his first inaugural, speaking to "My fellow Americans."

Kennedy, Reagan and Clinton used both. Kennedy added, "my fellow citizens of the world." Lyndon Johnson talked about "fellow passengers on a dot of earth." Lincoln was among several addressing "my fellow countrymen."

•saggings sequels. With Lincoln's "malice toward none" speech as a sterling exception, second inaugurals rarely have had the punch of the first. Washington's 135-word address, in 1793, was the shortest ever, a minute's worth of talk. Jefferson, a champion of press freedom, groused about his press coverage in his second inaugural and about how Indians were determined to hang on to their culture despite efforts to show them a better way to live.

FDR kept it short in his fourth inaugural, delivered less than three months before his death in April 1945. The nation was still at war, he looked ahead to the peace and told Americans they must become citizens of the world.

•lofty words. Phrases such as "a new breeze is blowing" — from the first President Bush's speech — are a dime a dozen. What separates word candy from solid gold is what keeps speechwriters up at night.

In his new book, "Ask Not: The Inauguration of John F. Kennedy and the Speech that Changed America," historian Thurston Clarke attributes authorship of that address's most memorable passages to JFK himself. "Kennedy was more than the 'principal architect' of his inaugural address; he was its stonecutter and mason, too."

Lincoln's first inaugural speech was lawyerly, getting right to the business of Southern grievances and how they might be addressed peacefully. Only at the end did he soar, speaking directly to the secessionists.

"We are not enemies, but friends," he said. "We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."

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The Inaugural Address: Why do presidents start a new term with a speech?

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The inaugural address, delivered by the president of the United States after they take the oath of office, is one of the most anticipated events each election cycle. The newly elected president is not required to deliver an inaugural address, but following the example of George Washington, it has become a tradition that kicks off a new president’s time in office. In this resource, learners will examine the purpose of inaugural addresses, consider why these speeches matter to the American people, and assess the goals and strategies employed by many presidents in their inaugural addresses. Learning is centered on this driving question: Why do presidents start a new term with a speech?

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Common core state standards, ccr anchor standards for writing.

CCSS.ELA-Literacy.CCRA.W.7 (Research to Build and Present Knowledge): Conduct short as well as more sustained research projects based on focused questions, demonstrating understanding of the subject under investigation.

CCSS.ELA-Literacy.CCRA.W.9 (Research to Build and Present Knowledge): Draw evidence from literary or informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.

CCR Anchor Standards for Speaking and Listening

CCSS.ELA-Literacy.CCRA.SL.2 (Comprehension and Collaboration): Integrate and evaluate information presented in diverse media and formats, including visually, quantitatively, and orally.

CCSS.ELA-Literacy.CCRA.SL.3 (Comprehension and Collaboration): Evaluate a speaker's point of view, reasoning, and use of evidence and rhetoric.

College, Career, and Civic Life (C3) Framework for Social Studies State Standards

2: applying disciplinary tools and concepts.

D2.Civ.2.6-8. (Civics): Explain specific roles played by citizens (such as voters, jurors, taxpayers, members of the armed forces, petitioners, protesters, and office-holders).

D2.Civ.6.6-8. (Civics): Describe the roles of political, civil, and economic organizations in shaping people's lives.

D2.Civ.8.6-8. (Civics): Analyze ideas and principles contained in the founding documents of the United States, and explain how they influence the social and political system.

D2.Civ.10.6-8. (Civics): Explain the relevance of personal interests and perspectives, civic virtues, and democratic principles when people address issues and problems in government and civil society.

D2.Civ.14.6-8. (Civics): Compare historical and contemporary means of changing societies, and promoting the common good.

D2.His.12.6-8. (History): Use questions generated about multiple historical sources to identify further areas of inquiry and additional sources.

D2.His.13.6-8. (History): Evaluate the relevancy and utility of a historical source based on information such as maker, date, place of origin, intended audience, and purpose.

D2.His.16.6-8. (History): Organize applicable evidence into a coherent argument about the past.

D2.Civ.5.9-12. (Civics): Evaluate citizens' and institutions' effectiveness in addressing social and political problems at the local, state, tribal, national, and/or international level.

D2.Civ.8.9-12. (Civics): Evaluate social and political systems in different contexts, times, and places, that promote civic virtues and enact democratic principles.

D2.Civ.10.9-12. (Civics): Analyze the impact and the appropriate roles of personal interests and perspectives on the application of civic virtues, democratic principles, constitutional rights, and human rights.

D2.Civ.14.9-12. (Civics): Analyze historical, contemporary, and emerging means of changing societies, promoting the common good, and protecting rights.

D2.His.12.9-12. (History): Use questions generated about multiple historical sources to pursue further inquiry and investigate additional sources.

D2.His.16.9-12. (History): Integrate evidence from multiple relevant historical sources and interpretations into a reasoned argument about the past.

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An inaugural speech captures the triumphs and hopes for the future in the winner of a political campaign. After a long and tiresome journey to the top of the political heap, you now can rejoice and let others in on your victory. But before you put that pen to paper or those fingers to the keyboard, you may want to learn a few important tips on what makes an inaugural speech great and how to inspire the citizens you preside over to create change.

Reflect on the moments that led to your victory. Think of the setbacks and the struggles you endured to finally reach this office. You will want to jot down a few distinct memories that touched you in terms of your fight to gain the position you now have. Try to add to your notes as much detailed information of such memories so that you will write more easily when you begin.

Recognize a theme that symbolizes your platform, as well as your fight to gain office. A recurrent theme of President Obama’s campaign was “hope,” and in his inaugural speech, he presented that theme by discussing the trials American people have faced through the years and how they always overcame them through determination and hope (see Ref 1, 3).

Craft an outline that has at least three parts; an introduction, a body and a conclusion. In your outline, use the notes and theme to create an organized list of what you want to say in your speech (see Ref 2).

Start the speech by writing a powerful opening that draws your audience in, making them want to hear more. You can begin with a line that sums up what your supporters feel; in Obama’s speech, he stated that “I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.” Yet you can also begin with a story that mirrors the trials and tribulations you faced and will soon take on as a newly elected leader. Whatever you decide, just make sure it captures your audience’s attention.

Write the following paragraphs addressing your citizens’ desires and fears. You can use figurative language to describe your positions on subjects, but it is best to be direct and simplistic when discussing more serious events or situations. You, as a leader, have received the office because people believed that you represented the future so you should keep them believing that, while also remaining honest and somewhat stoic. Becoming too emotional will not give you an air of leadership, so keep that in mind when writing the speech.

End the speech with a call to arms for your fellow citizens. Let them know that you will do your best but that you can only achieve great things with their help. Bring the speech full circle by addressing your theme in a subtle way, and leave your audience with an inspirational last sentence.

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What is an inaugural address.

Presidents of the United States deliver a plethora of speeches during their time in office. One of the most important of them all is the inaugural address. What is an inaugural address? What is the intention of the speech, why is it so significant, and how can the President be sure to get it right? 

What is an inaugural address?

The inaugural address is the speech delivered by the President following their Oath of Office. It is a chance to speak directly to the nation and provide a clear message about the four years ahead. When well-crafted and delivered effectively, it can give the President a positive start to their first term .

Delivering an Address During an Inauguration

The inaugural address is a massive moment in the long inauguration process. There is a grand ceremony on the western front of the United States Capitol where the President and Vice President are sworn into office to begin the new term. After the oath at noon, the new President delivers their speech to the nation. 

The position of the ceremony allows the President to speak to hundreds of guests in attendance, but also thousands lining the National Mall and the millions watching on TV worldwide. It is no surprise that there is a lot of pressure to get the speech just right. 

Everything from the structure and length of the speech to the tone and eloquence of the delivery falls under a microscope. People will judge the new President based on these words, especially those that voted for the other guy. So, each speech must be bipartisan, inspiring, perfectly composed, and just the right length. 

The Length of an Inaugural Address

There is no specific length for an inaugural address. Presidents can make theirs as long or as short as they want. Some choose the former to make the most of their time and say all they need to say, while others keep it short and sweet. 

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President George Washington’s second inaugural address was a good example of keeping things short. As the only person to hold office, there was no precedent in place or any expectation for a long speech and drawn-out speech. So, he said just 135 words, repeated the oath, and returned to work. 

Over the decades, the speech has become a more symbolic moment in the ceremony, with greater expectations over the message and length. When Washington’s Vice President , John Adams, won his election, he delivered a speech of 2308 words – including one 737-word sentence. The longest ever came from William Henry Harrison , with an 8,445-word address in the pouring rain. 

Quality Over Quantity Helps With a Good Inaugural Address

The length of a speech is nowhere near as important as the message within. We will probably forget how long we spent waiting for a speech to end but will share quotes and videos from a good speech for a long time. So, each new President has to ensure that they set out their goals and principles in an appropriately presidential manner without going too far. 

Franklin D Roosevelt was a good example of one who knew when to keep things short and to the point. His fourth address did not overstay its welcome at just 559 words. By this point, the nation knew the man and his ideals as he had been elected to a historic fourth term. On top of that, Roosevelt was keen to keep things simple with a basic ceremony at the White House due to America’s involvement in World War II. 

Creating a Strong Bipartisan Address

An inauguration marks a new chapter in the nation’s history, so it makes sense for the President to highlight this after taking the oath. Some will reflect on the chance to make improvements for the nation or to lead them out of times of trouble. Others will reaffirm their desire to continue their hard work and dedication for a second term. 

Ideally, these speeches should be bipartisan. This isn’t a time to talk down to the opposition in victory or to talk about all the ways a previous administration failed the nation. Doing so runs the risk of causing a divide in the crowds of people watching – either at the National Mall or on TV. 

President Joe Biden’s 2021 address is a good example of this with its opening lines. “This is America’s day. This is democracy’s day. A day of history and hope. Of renewal and resolve.” This speech set a strong positive tone, whereas his predecessor, Donald Trump’s speech, was criticized for its bleak and dystopian outlook. 

Who Writes the Presidential Inaugural Address?

You might assume that the President is the one to write the speech if it is such an important moment for them to articulate their vision and goals. However, the scale of the occasion and scrutiny of the speech means that this isn’t always the case. In the past, the first presidents undoubtedly did spend hours penning their own speeches, but not today.

The idea of the political speech writer is not such a big deal these days. We know that the White House has a communications team to create important speeches – often with multiple versions depending on a desired tone or outcome. They have been in use since the days of Calvin Coolidge . 

Therefore, it makes sense that this grand public address is another writer’s work. They are typically skilled and trusted members of the President’s team who can take the ideas and references given by the President and spin them into gold. 

The Inaugural Address Will Always Be an Important Moment in the Presidency

There will always be debate over who created the best or worst inaugural addresses in history. Often, the oratory skills of the man elevate the words into something even more profound. What is clear is that these speeches have great power, and each President must get it just right. Otherwise, the inauguration day address will go into the history books for all the wrong reasons. 

Alicia Reynolds

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What makes an effective inaugural address? Advice for Joe Biden from an Obama speechwriter.

The weeks leading up to the inauguration of President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr . have been marked by instability and national dread. On Jan. 6, thousands of insurrectionists assaulted the U.S. Capitol while the House of Representatives and Senate met to certify the results of the 2020 presidential election. On Jan. 13, Donald J. Trump became the first president in American history to be impeached twice by the House of Representatives. President Trump has also said he will not attend the inauguration of his successor, which would make him the first president since Andrew Johnson in 1869 not to do so. And the Covid-19 pandemic continues, with the daily death toll nearing 4,000 Americans.

Still, Mr. Biden is hoping to continue the U.S. tradition of a peaceful transition of power. Once sworn in, he will take the rostrum and deliver his inaugural address. After months of campaigning, of political rhetoric and partisanship, the new president will stand before the nation, aware of the many citizens who did not vote for him, and will try to bring the American people together. To find out just what President Biden might say and why, America spoke with Terry Szuplat, who served in the Obama administration as special assistant to the president, as senior director of speechwriting at the National Security Council and as deputy director of the White House Speechwriting Office.

The new president will stand before the nation, aware of the many citizens who did not vote for him, and will try to bring the American people together.

A president is “really the one person who can speak for the whole country,” noted Mr. Szuplat. “As a candidate, you’re representing a party, a platform, you’re appealing to your constituency to win an election.” But on Inauguration Day, he said, “it’s the very first time they are speaking as the constitutional office. They’ve aspired to it, they’ve campaigned for it, they’ve appealed toward it, they’ve spent months, maybe years, to show the American people that ‘I am ready, that I can inhabit that office, that you can see me in that role,’ and this is the very first time they are doing it.”

True, inaugural speeches are frequently forgotten. Most Americans would struggle to recall much outside of John F. Kennedy’s wonderful use of chiasmus in “Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country,” and Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s humdinger in his first inaugural: “The only thing we have to fear is fear itself.”

So what makes an effective inaugural speech? For Mr. Szuplat, it is some mixture of “the moment, the messenger and the message.” For non-inaugural examples, “think of Martin Luther King at the height of the civil rights movement on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial; think of F.D.R. in the well of the Congress the day after the attack on Pearl Harbor. You have moment, messenger and message.”

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That means the elements of a memorable speech are not always within the control of the president, said Mr. Szuplat. “The irony of the inaugural is that you have the moment that is significant, but it might not be a pivotal moment in the life of the country.” Mr. Biden may be speaking at one of those pivotal moments, with the attack on the Capitol still fresh in everyone’s minds. “It absolutely cannot and should not be ignored,” said Mr. Szuplat.

Even the finest of prognosticators would have trouble guessing exactly what a president is going to say in an inaugural address, but Mr. Szuplat believes that there are certain indicators. “Every presidential speechwriter,” he said, “starts writing speeches by looking back at what predecessors said on a topic or in a place…. When you’re writing for the president, you are writing another chapter in the very rich, long book that is the presidency. So you want to pull those narrative threads forward and you want to add to them, build on them in a unique way.”

What makes an effective inaugural speech? Some mixture of “the moment, the messenger and the message.”

But the type of language employed typically draws on what is most comfortable and familiar to the new president: “If you want a sense of what Biden is going to say and how he is going to say it, it is important to look at his past speeches, more so than past inaugural speeches.… They have a different title, but they are not a different person when they assume the presidency.”

Similarly, presidential rhetoric draws on the particular strengths of the person in the office: “If you get someone like President Obama, someone who is known for their soaring rhetoric, you are more likely to get that. If you have a president who is more of a tactician, someone who spent their time in the legislative trenches, you may get more of a laundry list of issues. Every inaugural address probably has both.”

Though President-elect Biden undoubtedly has his own set of priorities, Mr. Szuplat thinks he will turn to a theme often heard in inaugural speeches. “If you come into the office with the country deeply divided,” Mr. Szuplat said, “it becomes even more important for a president to speak to all Americans…. Whatever you think of Joe Biden’s politics or his policies, he has made it a core theme of his candidacy, and now presidency, to bring people together and heal their divisions.”

He added, “Throughout our history, our presidents have been called upon to stop being an overtly partisan figure” after their election, “and I think that’s one of the marks of a great president: Can they make that transition?”

“Whatever you think of Joe Biden’s politics or his policies, he has made it a core theme of his candidacy, and now presidency, to bring people together and heal their divisions.”

The inaugural address, Mr. Szuplat said, “is one of the first indicators of whether they can, whether they want to, whether they will. The most successful presidents, the ones we recognize as transformational or great, they never take their partisan hat off completely. But they do recognize that they must represent and speak to people who did not vote for them.”

But that call for unity cannot ignore stark realities. As Mr. Szuplat noted, “When Abraham Lincoln spoke about unity, that was a unity that half of the country didn’t want.”

Mr. Szuplat described the current reality: “The inauguration will be at the Capitol—President Biden will be standing in the exact same place—where 14 days before, a violent mob attacked police, murdered an officer and tried to overturn a free and fair election. This was an unprecedented attack on our democracy. It must be acknowledged, explicitly, and we have to come together as Americans and demand that something like that never, ever happens again.”

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Mr. Szuplat said that in order for a sense of unity to be restored, there must be accountability: “We can’t pretend that this didn’t happen—the first occupation of Congress since the War of 1812. We can’t, as some are saying, just ‘move on’ and go back to business as usual. The perpetrators and those who instigated them have to be held responsible—legally and politically. I fully expect that President Biden, in his inaugural, will call for accountability. What form that accountability takes, of course, is something we’ll have to work through as a nation in the coming days, weeks and months."

Mr. Szuplat also thinks that Mr. Biden will allude to elements of his personal experience that people can relate to, especially after such a difficult year: “This is a moment of profound grief, loss and hardship. This is what made him right for this moment. He connects with people in a way that few politicians can. It’s one thing to feel somebody else’s pain, it’s another to know someone else’s pain…. This man has known more grief than most of us have.”

Suffering is not unknown to presidents, but it can seem that the best speakers to hold the office were the ones who suffered the most. Abraham Lincoln endured the loss of his son and the devastation of the Civil War; Franklin D. Roosevelt spent the better part of a decade recovering from polio and relearning to walk; and John F. Kennedy fought a number of health ailments his entire life. But Mr. Szuplat noted a difference: “Both in F.D.R.’s and Kennedy’s cases, the public was largely unaware [of their suffering]. In Biden’s case, he has been very open about it, very candid.” Americans know of Mr. Biden’s sorrows , including the loss of his first wife and his daughter to a car accident and his eldest son to brain cancer.

Mr. Szuplat added, “If one of the great questions for the American people right now is ‘How do we get through this profound loss, can there be better days?’—who better to point the way than someone who has lived through the darkest moments any person can face? I think it’ll be a huge element of his inauguration and of his presidency…. He might end up being the most perfect leader for this moment because of his life experience.”

At the end of his interview with America , Mr. Szuplat was asked for his favorite piece of presidential rhetoric in American history. He answered, “I would have to go with Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address.”

And if Mr. Biden is intent on seeking unity and healing divisions, he may take counsel in Mr. Lincoln’s words from 1865 : “With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan—to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.”

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Nick Sawicki is special assistant to the president and editor in chief of America Media.

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UPDATED January 17, 2013

Build your own inaugural address, 1. how will you draw on america's past.

Presidents frequently reflect on the nation's history.

March 5, 1849 Zachary Taylor, like many before him, cited George Washington.

To defend your policies

“We are warned by the admonitions of history and the voice of our own beloved Washington to abstain from entangling alliances with foreign nations.”

January 20, 1973 Richard Nixon resigned in 1974.

To win public support

“Let us pledge together to make these next four years the best four years in America's history, so that on its 200th birthday America will be as young and as vital as when it began, and as bright a beacon of hope for all the world.”

January 20, 1953 Dwight D. Eisenhower's first Inaugural Address.

To measure national progress

“We have passed through the anxieties of depression and of war to a summit unmatched in man's history.”

January 20, 1993 Bill Clinton took office in 1993.

To show a changing world

“When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.”

2. How will you acknowledge the moment?

Absent a crisis, Inaugural Addresses often emphasize continuity of government.

January 20, 1981 Ronald Reagan succeeded Jimmy Carter.

Celebrate how routine it is

“The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.”

March 4, 1933 Franklin D. Roosevelt urged action to fight the Great Depression

Push for immediate action

“The only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.”

March 4, 1845 James Polk, like many early presidents, celebrated the Constitution.

Honor the Constitution

“The Constitution itself, plainly written as it is, the safeguard of our federative compact, the offspring of concession and compromise, binding together in the bonds of peace and union this great and increasing family of free and independent States, will be the chart by which I shall be directed.”

March 4, 1873 Ulysses S. Grant won re-election overwhelmingly in 1872.

Proclaim victory over your enemies

“I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled in political history, which to-day I feel that I can afford to disregard in view of your verdict, which I gratefully accept as my vindication.”

3. What is America's biggest challenge?

Economic problems are among the most cited threats.

March 4, 1933 Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1933 started a large-scale program of public works.

End mass unemployment

“Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.”

January 20, 2005 George W. Bush's second Inaugural Address focused on expanding freedom.

Spreading freedom

“From the viewpoint of centuries, the questions that come to us are narrowed and few: Did our generation advance the cause of freedom? And did our character bring credit to that cause?”

March 4, 1897 William McKinley entered office amid a depression and arguments over a gold standard.

Protecting our credit

“The credit of the Government, the integrity of its currency, and the inviolability of its obligations must be preserved. This was the commanding verdict of the people, and it will not be unheeded.”

January 20, 1965 Lyndon B. Johnson helped establish Medicare, Medicaid and food stamps.

Reducing inequality

“In a land of great wealth, families must not live in hopeless poverty. In a land rich in harvest, children just must not go hungry.”

4. What is the role of government?

Views of govenrment have evolved, from frequent praise after the Revolutionary War to increased skepticism today.

January 20, 1937 Franklin D. Roosevelt said that government must act during the Great Depression.

To solve our biggest problems

“Democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable, to solve problems once considered unsolvable.”

January 20, 1981 Ronald Reagan won his first term in the face of a weak economy.

To get out of the way

“In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.”

January 20, 2009 Barack Obama was re-elected in 2012.

To be practical

“The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works.”

March 4, 1817 James Monroe and other early presidents frequently praised government.

To continue being awesome

“The heart of every citizen must expand with joy when he reflects how near our Government has approached to perfection; that in respect to it we have no essential improvement to make.”

5. How will you unite Americans?

As early as Thomas Jefferson, presidents have urged Americans to unite after close elections.

March 4, 1801 Thomas Jefferson won office after the bitter, partisan election of 1800.

Cite shared values

“But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.”

January 20, 1961 John F. Kennedy spoke of "defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger."

Appeal to sense of duty

“And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you — ask what you can do for your country.”

March 4, 1881 James A. Garfield said Americans should accept emancipation.

Show how we have moved past old problems

“My countrymen, we do not now differ in our judgment concerning the controversies of past generations, and fifty years hence our children will not be divided in their opinions concerning our controversies.”

March 4, 1861 Abraham Lincoln appealed for states to rejoin the Union.

Warn of disunion

“I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. ”

It's JFK Membership Month! Join now to help us inspire tomorrow's leaders.

Writing the inaugural address.

[*] indicates audio glitch

TOM PUTNAM:   Good afternoon. I’m Tom Putnam director of the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum. And on behalf of Paul Kirk, chairman of the Kennedy Library Foundation Board; John Shattuck, Foundation CEO; and all of my library colleagues, I welcome you to this very special forum. We appreciate your efforts to make it here in weather that is eerily reminiscent of inauguration day 1961. Fortunately for all of us, unlike that historical occasion, this afternoon’s main speaking program is inside not out.

Let me begin by thanking our underwriters, included lead sponsor, Bank of America, the Lowell Institute, Boston Capital, the Corcoran Jennison Companies, The Boston Foundation, and our media sponsors, NECN, The Boston Globe, and WBUR, which broadcasts Kennedy Library Forums on Sunday evenings.

Today’s conversation is offered in conjunction with the Library’s newest temporary exhibit, “Poetry and Power: The Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy,” which displays original and never before seen documents from the Library’s collections to track the evolution and drafting of that historic speech. I invite you all to visit the exhibit, either following today’s forum or throughout 2009 when it will be on display.

Allow me a few, sneak previews germane to today’s gathering. One of the first items to be displayed is a page of notes from a post-election meeting in November 1960 between Ted Sorensen and John F. Kennedy in which Mr. Sorensen records some of president-elect’s instructions about the speech. While there are a number of serious recommendations discussed, “avoid pessimism and partisanship,” “read the other presidential inaugurals,” “investigate the secret of the Gettysburg Address,” one fun notation is more mundane.

On the top of the legal pad Ted Sorensen has written, “Gloria, cash!” with an exclamation point, a notation to prompt him to ask his secretary to get to the bank before it closed. [Laughter] And a reminder to all of us that presidential advisors have lives outside of their official duties include essential errands to handle, in this case at a time before automatic teller machines.

Also on display is the first known, existing draft of the speech by Ted Sorensen, which though undated, is believed to have been written after JFK’s farewell speech to the Massachusetts’ legislature on January 9 th —and a steno pad used by President Kennedy’s secretary as he dictated his thoughts on a January 10 th flight to Palm Beach while reading Mr. Sorensen’s copy. Just ten days before the speech was to be delivered, this was the first real exchange of drafts between the two men and the genesis of many of the most famous lines. Remarkably it would be as if Barack Obama were to have just begun to write his upcoming address during this weekend.

In the exhibit you will also see Mr. Sorensen’s personal copy of Strunk and White’s The Elements of Style with the instructions, “Write concisely. Omit needless words. Use the active voice,” that informed and reinforced JFK’s writing style. While this technique led to crisp, declarative texts, the resulting speeches were not always well received by President Kennedy’s political advisor. In one editorial cartoon, those aides were portrayed peering over the shoulders of a caricature of Mr. Sorensen with the caption, “It’s a good speech. Just a couple of points that need obfuscation.” [Laughter]

Another draft of the speech on display is primarily typewritten except for a couple of sentences in Ted Sorensen’s handwriting at the conclusion that later become the closing words of the address. After reading Mr. Sorensen’s memoir last spring, that passage has new meaning. Let me briefly explain. In 1946 after the end of World War II, as an 18-year old Ted Sorensen applied for non-combatant service as a conscientious objector, not to inure himself from the dangers of combat but to honor his deeply held Unitarian religious beliefs. In his application he explained that while he was willing to defend his country and put himself in harm’s way, he could not kill another human being.

Fourteen years later he penned the following historic words, again on display in his handwriting in our new exhibit, “With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own.” Once, after listening to the address in Mr. Sorensen’s presence, I remarked to him that those lines did not strike me as reflective of the catechism in which I was raised.

He recounted a story that after working with JFK for many years the President once asked him, “Is any of my Catholicism rubbing off on you?” “No,” Ted Sorensen replied with a knowing smile, “I think it is my Unitarianism that is making its way into your speeches.” [Laughter]

Theodore C. Sorensen served as special counsel and advisor to President John F. Kennedy who once referred to him as his intellectual blood bank. He was involved in all of the major policy decisions in the Kennedy White House from averting a nuclear disaster during the Cuban missile crisis to advancing civil rights and the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. With history as the final judge of his deeds, not only has he been rewarded with a clear conscience but the knowledge that the decisions that he made and the words that he crafted over the course of his lifetime, helped bring peace to our world and justice to more of its people.

Our moderator this afternoon is Ted Widmer, a former foreign policy speechwriter and senior advisor to President Clinton and the current director of the John Carter Brown Library at Brown University. He is the editor of American Speeches: Political Oratory from Abraham Lincoln to Bill Clinton . His most recent book, Ark of the Liberties: America and the World , has been described as a, quote, “A sweeping, elegant history of the ideas that shaped American foreign policy.” Ark of the Liberties along with Counselor , Mr. Sorensen’s memoir, are both on sale in our museum store.

One of the many positive developments in the most recent election was the electorate’s decision to reject the critique of Barack Obama’s ability to inspire voters and his fellow citizens with, quote, “Just words.” Through that process, he has inherited one of the central elements of both the candidacy and the presidency of John F. Kennedy, the belief in the power of rhetoric to win votes and to move nations.

In his memoir, Ted Sorensen concludes, “The right speech, delivered at the right time by the right speaker, can ignite a fire, change men’s minds, open their eyes, alter their views, bring hope to their lives and, in all these ways, change the world. I know,” he writes, “I saw it happen.” Ladies and gentlemen, please join me in welcoming to the Kennedy Library Theodore Sorensen and Ted Widmer.

TED WIDMER:   Thank you, Tom. Can you hear me all right? It’s a great pleasure to back here at the Kennedy Library, although I fear I will always be known as “the other speech writer named Ted.” [Laughter] But I’ve been coming here since pretty near, just after when the library opened—

THEODORE SORENSEN:   There is an even more important than us, there is another Ted associated with this Library. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   Thank you. And I want to thank not only Tom but John Shattuck and Paul Kirk and all the people who work here everyday who make it such and exciting place to visit and to talk. And talk is in the air today. We will be talking about the great 1961 inaugural address—but also the address that we are expecting imminently and about which there is more expectation than any inaugural address I can remember in my lifetime. All of us who worked for a president I think remember our experience writing inaugural addresses at exactly this time of year.

And I remember eight years ago at the end of the Clinton White House, The Onion , the satirical newspaper had a headline on January 20, 2001, “Bush to nation: our long national nightmare of peace and prosperity is at an end.” [Laughter] And those issues remain in the air today. But we are expecting a great speech and one that will be reminiscent in ways that we don’t yet know of, of the 1961 inaugural. So I think what we will do is talk for 20 minutes or so about the preparation of that speech with the man who knows more about that speech than any one else—then watch the full inaugural address, which is about 12 minutes long. And then talk more about its impact on the world after its delivery, and then finally open it up to questions from the audience.

So one fact, Ted, that Tom mentioned in his introduction but which I just reread this morning, there are now two books, two very good books on the 1961 inaugural address. And they both indicate that really serious work on the address began in earnest around January 9, 1961. That was the exact day of the speech to the Massachusetts General Court. Is that true? And if so, why did you begin so late?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I’m wondering whether that’s true because I have a distinct recollection of having breakfast Thanksgiving morning, or maybe it was brunch, at the home of Mike Feldman, who was my number two and my closest friend until his death just two years ago. And after the brunch my recollection is going down in his basement and starting to put some notes together. And I had thought when those were typed up by Gloria, my long time secretary and assistant whose name I apparently jotted as a reminder that I needed cash from the bank, on the note that is on display, mentioned by Tom—Gloria typed up those notes and JFK took them down to Florida with him.

I assumed very soon thereafter, so clearly my memory is not too good because when I asked Tom the date of that trip where JFK dictated them en route to his secretary, Evelyn Lincoln, it was still later in the year. So I do remember that the speech to the Massachusetts legislature, I know you called it General Court, but I’ve been mixing up names ever since I wrote something for Senator JFK that he was asked to write for the Harvard alumni. And I called it, “Thoughts in Walking across the Harvard Campus,” only to learn that nobody calls it the campus. [Laughter]

Anyway, I do remember that after the speech, which I remember quite well to the Massachusetts legislature or General Court, JFK and his parents, in a letter to me expressed concern that we had used up all our good lines [Laughter] and there wouldn’t be anything left for the inaugural. [Laughter] And I assured them all that there would still be some good lines for the inaugural. [Laughter] So I must have started earlier than January 9 th .

TED WIDMER:   It’s an absolutely stunning speech, the one delivered here in Boston and I urge all of you to read it. I’m sure in this crowd there are many people who do know it. It is not that well known outside of Massachusetts. And it’s beautiful. It talks about the history of Massachusetts going back to the very beginning to John Winthrop.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Can I just interrupt one minute?

TED WIDMER:   Of course.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   It’s because the speech quoted John Winthrop saying that we must be as a city on a hill. Some years later Ronald Reagan used the same quotation. And since then both Winthrop and Kennedy have been forgotten. It is now called the Ronald Reagan statement.

TED WIDMER:   Ronald Reagan added the word “shining” inexplicably. So it is now a shining city on a hill, perhaps because glass architecture wasn’t available in the 17 th century. [Laughter] But it is a gorgeous speech. And I edited an anthology of great American speeches a few years ago and I hesitated but I did put that in because I thought it deserved a larger audience, although I clearly put in a local speech, which that was.

But it is the equivalent, in many ways, of Lincoln’s farewell speech to Springfield, Illinois. And Barack Obama gave a beautiful farewell speech to the Senate recently. So that is a lesser known tradition. But that speech in Boston is remarkable. I urge you all to read it.

Did you feel any anxiety that you, yourself, had used up your best stuff in that speech?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   No. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   You were confident.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   But I will admit that if you look closely, the ending to the Massachusetts legislature speech and the ending to the inaugural have quite a bit in common.

TED WIDMER:   Well, one of the great speechwriter traditions is to plagiarize from yourself.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Of course.

TED WIDMER:   I think you are allowed to do that. In each of the books that describe the preparation of the address, they talk about the process of outreach, writing to other people. And another great American tradition is to take credit for something in a speech even if you had nothing to do with it. So can we get as precise as possible? Whom did you write to? Who offered substantive contributions? And perhaps you can let us know who did not. [Laughter]

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Neither I need to remember nor you need to guess because the exhibit downstairs includes the telegram—you all remember telegrams, which came before all the current means of communication. JFK asked me to send a telegram to Adlai Stevenson; Douglas Dillon, and this must have been after Dillon had been named Secretary of the Treasury, our lead Republican cabinet member; and to Ken Galbraith, who didn’t need to be invited. He was happy to suggest the entire speech. [Laughter] To the newsman and columnist, a very close personal friend of mine who helped us during the campaign, Joe Kraft, Joseph Kraft—anyway, that telegram is on exhibit downstairs.

The historian Alan Nevins, who I had sent a similar telegram to for suggestions on the acceptance speech at the convention—and I don’t think he suggested the phrase “new frontier” but he may have said something about a western theme. Who else was on that list, I don't know. I do know that Adlai may have been the source of the line, which I think is a great line in the inaugural, and has unfortunately has been forgotten during these last eight years—namely to put in something about civility. In our draft civility is not a sign of weakness.

Galbraith had the best contribution as he promptly told everybody after the inaugural. [Laughter] And, as a result, got a sharp reprimand from JFK who did not like people talking that way. But I think Galbraith was largely responsible for the line, “we should never negotiate out of fear but let us never fear to negotiate.” So I’m willing to—despite the fact that for years people have been crediting me with that line and have been inventing some kind of name as a, somersault or whatever—that was Ken’s line.

TED WIDMER:   Apparently he also came up with the phrase, “1,000 days,” or so he claimed, among many things he claimed. But being a Harvard professor he had a tendency to wordiness. He added a reference in his draft to the three-toed sloth, I believe, and to Valpugestnatcht(?).

THEODORE SORENSEN:   No.

TED WIDMER:   Thank God you were around to delete those references.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   But there is a line in the speech toward the second half talking about what we and the Soviets could do together, explore the stars, push back the deserts and so on. And I had referred to them, these adventures together, as joint ventures. And Ken, rightly said, that’s sounds like a mining consortium and he made it joint enterprises.

TED WIDMER:   One way in which the Kennedy style differed markedly from Adlai Stevenson’s style is its preference for shorter words and shorter sentences.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   True.

TED WIDMER:   Tom mentioned Strunk and White and I’m sure that had an impact. But was that already in the Sorensen / Kennedy style before Strunk—was it there from the beginning? How much of that was in JFK’s own style? 

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I think it was JFK’s own style. It was my style. But as Tom mentioned, one of JFK’s instructions to me was, “Take a look at Lincoln’s inaugural address. Why was it so great and so memorable?” And I found that Lincoln’s inaugural address was mostly short words and short sentences.

TED WIDMER:   It’s a remarkably simple lesson and yet no one seems to learn it, which is the shortest inaugural addresses are the ones we remember. This one was, I think, the second shortest of the 20 th century.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   It had to be—Well, it couldn’t be the shortest because the shortest was Franklin Roosevelt in 1944. It was still the midst of the World War II. Roosevelt, himself, was not that healthy. And it was not held at the Capitol. It was held at the White House. And that is only a page or so. So it couldn’t have—there is no way I could make it shorter than that. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   Unfortunately, that was not a lesson we absorbed in the Clinton administration very well. [Laughter] I tried. I was a very low-ranking speechwriter most of that time.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Did you write the speech he gave at the ’88 Convention--

TED WIDMER:   No, I did not. [Laughter]

THEODORE SORENSEN:   --Nominating Dukakis?

TED WIDMER:   You mentioned Alan Nevins and Ken Galbraith. You did not mention Arthur Schlesinger. Was he involved in the preparation in any way? And I can be more specific: There’s very little reference to new policy initiatives, except the does use the phrase “alliance for progress,” in the South America section. And Arthur later became very involved with the alliance for progress. Was that his contribution or not?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   First of all, Dick Goodwin gets a lot more credit for the work on the Alliance for progress than Arthur. So it’s not quite accurate to say he was that involved, although Arthur had good relations with Latin American leaders. Instead, on the same trip where we came up here for the speech to the legislature, JFK was making some final decisions and interviews, including interviewing Harvard people including Mac Bundy, at Arthur’s home in Cambridge that same evening.

And it was that evening I believe that he asked Arthur to join him, to come down as an unofficial White House historian. And so I think it is unlikely that—I think for that reason probably Arthur, and I haven’t memorized the telegram downstairs—but I think it’s unlikely that Arthur was on that list.

TED WIDMER:   I don’t think he was.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   And I don’t remember getting anything from him for the inaugural.

TED WIDMER:   So it wasn’t until about a week before the inaugural that Arthur was invited to join the administration.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   That’s right.

TED WIDMER:   And what about the family? Were you aware of any family pressures to put phrases in? Did Robert Kennedy offer thoughts that you were aware of?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   No. Robert Kennedy was increasingly my friend and collaborator at that time. And certainly was principal among the advisors to John F. Kennedy. But I don’t recall him every advising on speechwriting.

TED WIDMER:   Like all inaugurals, it has beautiful references to God and to scripture. I know that you and President Kennedy were talking to a number of religious leaders including Billy Graham and, I presume, Cardinal Cushing. And, by the way, it was a brilliant stroke of inspiration, whosever idea it was to ask Cardinal Cushing to give an extremely long speech just before the inaugural because it increased the impact of the brevity of the inaugural. [Laughter] But were you writing to religious leaders? Were these your researches that produced--

THEODORE SORENSEN:   It’s interesting how all this ties together because Tom pointed out that I’m a lifelong Unitarian and Unitarians don’t invoke God or quote scripture quite as much as others do. In fact, Arthur is the one—my brother Tom was part of the administration. He was deputy director of USIA. And Arthur said to my brother Tom, “If you Sorensens are Unitarians, what are all these quotations from the Bible doing in Kennedy’s speeches?” Meaning that, obviously, I had put them in.

First of all, Unitarians are not against that Bible. In fact, the Bible contains a great deal of wisdom and some of it is so beautifully worded that it lends itself to solemn speeches. But, no, I was not in touch with—I did not solicit anything. The president-elect saw Billy Graham, one of the great self-promoters of all time [Laughter] and, therefore—I say that with all due reverence. [Laughter] And Billy Graham did give the president some biblical quotations. But I already had at least three biblical quotations, I think about three, not usually do we say, “from the Bible.” And Cardinal Cushing would probably roll over in his grave is he heard me say today, to you, “I got all of those from a Jewish rabbi in Washington.” [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   It has occurred to me that the last thought is almost subversive. It’s a religious thought but it is almost saying, to do the work of God we need to do the work of man, which I think is a pretty Unitarian thought. Were you aware that you were flirting with a line there that you shouldn’t go past? Do you remember the conception and the phrase and how that line was negotiated?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I tried it out, something very much like it in the closing of the Massachusetts legislature speech. And there is something very much like it in the close of the inaugural. And that’s not anti any religion. It is true that it is good Unitarian doctrine. But in a very real sense I think most religions believe that here on earth God’s work is done by man.

TED WIDMER:   Downstairs in the exhibit there is a piece of paper that has your very detailed notations of the word counts of previous presidential inaugurals. And as a historian I was impressed by the depth of your research. You looked at Grover Cleveland, Ulysses Grant, not just Lincoln and FDR and Wilson but some of the more obscure, 19 th century presidents. But it seems that Lincoln was the one, Lincoln’s second was the one that moved you more than the others. Is that fair to say?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I would rank the inaugurals—leaving my prejudice towards Kennedy’s aside, I would rank the inaugurals: the best was Lincoln’s second, although the first wasn’t bad. The next best was probably Roosevelt’s first, although his second wasn’t bad. And the next would probably have been Jefferson’s first. And so I think if I am—I don’t like to scoop a newspaper on its own story, but I’m reliably informed that The Wall Street Journal may, in the next few days, have a column in which it picks the five, best inaugurals of all times and it includes four of those that I just mentioned plus Kennedy’s. So I’m very proud and pleased I have Kennedy’s ranked with the others.

TED WIDMER:    I was surprised to learn, reading about, in preparation for this event that Mrs. Woodrow Wilson was in the audience. Was Wilson on your mind at all? We don’t hear him mentioned as much today but he was an extremely important Democratic president of the 20 th century. Were you thinking about him?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Mrs. Woodrow Wilson was in the audience--

TED WIDMER:   Apparently.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   --In ’61?

TED WIDMER:   In Dick Toffel’s book.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Hmm. I didn’t know that. And I don’t remember any encounter between her and JFK. I remember during the campaign when we met out in Ohio, Mrs. James Cox, who had been the running mate for the Democratic nominee in ’20 or ’24. But I don’t remember Mrs. Wilson. On the other hand, it’s not relevant to our subject but I’ll throw in a little bit of history for you. During the West Virginia primary when religion looked like it was going to be the all-consuming issue that would knock Kennedy out of the race—and I undertook to get a public letter signed by leading Protestant clergymen, one of those I approached was the dean of the Episcopal cathedral in Washington, who was Woodrow Wilson’s grandson and, I might add, look alike.

TED WIDMER:  It’s getting to be time to show the address but I wanted to ask, as a former speechwriter, how were your last 72 hours? Did you sleep much before the speech was given?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   As my book, the new one, Counselor , I hope it is still on sale downstairs [Laughter] tries to emphasize the president didn’t hesitate, that is, John F. Kennedy throughout my 11 years with him—didn’t hesitate no matter how many speeches he wanted me to write, he didn’t hesitate to pile other duties upon me.

And I remember the last 72 hours before the inaugural. Among other things we were working on a new budget. We were working on a new economic program. I was having practically around the clock meetings with our economic advisors who were very liberal and the new budget director, David Bell, and the new secretary, who was liberal, the new Secretary of Treasury, Douglas Dillon, who was not quite that liberal.

And I think it’s in the book, the snowstorm buried Washington. It didn’t look like it would be possible to have a parade or even a swearing in ceremony. And they mobilized the National Guard. They mobilized the Army. They mobilized every employee of the District of Columbia government. And I had been told after that, that the phone rang in the offices of the Council on Economic Advisors. And the later Nobel Prize winner James Tobin said, “Don’t pick that up. It’s Sorensen asking us to shovel snow.” [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   Well, on that note, if we can screen the inaugural address in its entirety.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   While we are waiting I will just say that Kennedy asked me to read the previous inaugural addresses--

[VIDEO CLIP]

TED WIDMER:   Well, it’s still stunning, every time I see it. And I always see a different thing to look at. Did you know right away you had hit a homerun?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I had a much better seat today. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   Where were you sitting?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I was sitting on the stands in back, up pretty high with my sister; Bob Rosa, the Undersecretary of the Treasury. His wife sat next to me. And it seemed at first that the applause seemed spare or even quite light until he was a third or halfway through it. But I felt confident in the material and I didn’t need to wait—I didn’t need to depend on the immediate crowd for reaction because the reaction worldwide, the American press and the international press was wonderful.

TED WIDMER:   Seats are, unfortunately, a very accurate indicator of status in Washington. And whenever I flew with President Clinton there was one seat in the back of Air Force One, which if he was giving an important speech I occupied. And if not, Mrs. Clinton’s hairdresser sat in that seat. [Laughter] But did you know that something truly extraordinary had happened, that he had excited an entire generation, that your wildest ambitions had been realized and more with that speech?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   The truth of the matter is that when you are living history, you don’t realize it’s history.

TED WIDMER:   The very famous line that we all remember, there are many, but “ask not,” many people have claimed credit or to have found earlier use of that phrase in places from Kahlil Gibran to Oliver Wendell Holmes. Had you consulted any of those sources?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   No.  Someone claimed to me the other day that Kennedy acknowledged that he had taken it from Oliver Wendell Holmes. I don’t believe that for one minute. But it’s true that Oliver Wendell Holmes had said something very similar. It’s possible that Kennedy’s headmaster at Choate had said something very similar about the school, not the country.

And, yes, I did get a letter, decades later from the Kahlil Gibran Society saying that the—whether he was Lebanese or Persian I’m not certain, but that he was a distinguished poet whose work, The Prophet we used to all read to our girlfriends in high school. [Laughter] They said that he had written something very similar. It had first appeared, I think they said back in the twenties. And it hadn’t been translated into English or appeared in English by January 20, 1961. But they wanted to know whether either Kennedy or I read Persian or Arabic. I said no, we didn’t.

TED WIDMER:   One remarkable literary fact about this oration is that it almost never uses the word “I”, which is the most common and probably the most over used word in politics. I’m not sure the first person is used at all or, if it is, it is very rarely.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   It is used when he said, “I do not shrink from this responsibility. I welcome it.” I think that is maybe just about the only time--

TED WIDMER:   It is a remarkable fact.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   --It is used. And one of his requests to me was, even though it was a big inauguration, the realization of his dream and the campaign we had maintained for, effort we had maintained for four years—and it was special because he was the first non-WASP to become elected president of the United States. The second is about to take office after a long wait, 48 years in between.

And so there was understandable reason why attention was on him and why he might have mentioned his personal victory and satisfaction. But he was a modest, self-effacing man and he did not want that in the speech and it wasn’t.

TED WIDMER:   Another fact that came out to me just now, listening to it, is how much human rights language is in there. And John, I’m not sure you saw that, too. But that phrase “human rights” is mentioned several times or the rights of man. And the way historians often talk about the speech, is it is a speech about the Cold War. But, in fact, a great deal of the speech is speaking to the unaligned, the not-aligned nations of the world, the peoples of Africa and Asia. And one wonders if Barack Obama’s father was listening. I feel fairly certain that he was.

I mean there certainly was a tradition with Senator Kennedy before speaking on Algeria and Vietnam. And it seems that there was more than what needed to be said. Quite a lot of extra was put into that very difficult topic.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I can’t remember whether this appeared in print in the last year or not. But while he was United States Senator, in his last year or two, John F. Kennedy sponsored a scholarship program for African students who were interested in learning more about the values of freedom and so on in the United States. And Barack Obama’s father was one of those who came to the United States under that program, which is how he met Barack’s mother. He probably was listening to the speech.

TED WIDMER:   So the quality of that speech gave us Barack Obama. [Laughter] [Applause]

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Let me just comment on the opening premise, that historians regard it as a Cold War speech. You’re an historian. Tell your colleagues to read the whole speech. The first half, “pay any price, bear any burden,” sounds like a Cold War speech, though there is nothing bellicose about those words. But the last part of the speech, in which he reaches out an olive branch to the Soviet Union and says, “together let us explore the stars, push back the planets,” and, I forget the exact phase, “stop common enemies of mankind: hunger, misery, tyranny and war itself.” That’s not a Cold War phrase.

TED WIDMER:   It sounds reminiscent of the two types of communication that were sent to the Kremlin at the height of the Cuban missile crisis when there was a bellicose one and a conciliatory one.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   No. You’ve got it mixed up. It’s Khrushchev who sent us two types of messages.

TED WIDMER:   That’s right. That’s right. So I have to retract the question. But going back to the human rights language, downstairs in the exhibit, it mentions that there were two attempts at the very last minute to insert language that referred to civil rights problem, domestically. And one of those attempts survived. The other did not. Was that coming from you, from Harris Wofford? What sort of a response were you getting from President Kennedy?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   The most important African-American in the campaign was a man named Louis Martin, who became the Deputy National Chairman of the National Democratic Committee. And he and Harris Wofford, who was a strong leader in civil rights and was later on our civil rights commission or had a White House post related to that. He was not yet known as a Senator from Pennsylvania or anything of that sort. But the two of them came to see me and they probably, about the same time, forcefully urged the candidate, the president-elect to put something in about civil rights, which to them was the most important issue.

As I’ve written before, sad to say, though civil rights have been quite important in my youth, they were not that important to the rich, young Senator from Massachusetts who had not had that much exposure to the problem or the people, although he did talk about it in the campaign. And in a little noticed speech that he gave to the National Convention of the NAACP the night before the convention in 1960.

But I agreed, he agreed, that some reference could be made. I made a suggestion and which with a little of that interactive kind of political speechmaking that has become so common now was not with JFK, except for one instance in that speech—in which he would ask the audience to—he would say to the audience, “each of you in your lives much change your attitudes,” and so on and so forth. And he rejected that.

And he ultimately settled for three words in the sentence very early in maybe the first 20, 25% of the speech, where the errors of those great leaders, statesmen, freedom, unwilling to see the erosion of those human rights, to which we have always been committed around the world, have been and are today committed. And he inserted the words—in front of “around the world,” he put in the words, “at home and around the world.” That change was made, I believe, the day before the inaugural was given.

TED WIDMER:   And you were complemented by many different types of Americans after the speech. Were black Americans among them? Do you remember any particular reaction from civil rights leaders?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   He received a famous letter that is probably on display somewhere here in this library from, the name escapes me now, great lady, black entertainer, who had left this country because of discrimination, to live and—Oh, Josephine Baker--

TED WIDMER:   Aha! Really.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   --To live and perform in Paris. She wrote him a letter after she got back to Paris about how wonderful that speech was. Interestedly enough I’ve been told by many of those who were active in the civil rights movement, both black and white, who early in the administration began the so-called freedom rides, testing the desegregation of interstate transportation—and also, starting to press lawsuits on the court-ordered desegregation of higher education.

And they told me that even though civil rights had hardly, and blacks in person, had not been mentioned in that speech, they felt inspired by the speech, thought it was a time for change, that it was a time for action, that it was a time for dedication. And that in the sense they gave that speech some of the credit for the civil rights movement, which sprang up thereafter.

TED WIDMER:   Another part of the speech that came as a mild surprise to me was the section in which he speaks very warmly of the United Nations, which was a tradition in presidential inaugural addresses.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   No, it was not.

TED WIDMER:   Eisenhower, I believe did in his second inaugural--

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I challenge you to find it. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   I don’t have it on me. But, unfortunately, that tradition as you well know has disappeared. And do you think we might expect warm words about the United Nations in the inaugural address to come?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I have no way of gauging expectations or making predictions about something that is going to happen in ten days or less. Usually I make predictions about what will happen 50 years from now. [Laughter] So I think that what Kennedy said, he referred to the United Nations as our last, best hope, I think showed where he stood. After all, he had been—nobody remembers. He had been a young journalist at the San Francisco convention, which founded the United Nations.

So I think it is not altogether surprising that subsequent presidents have not mentioned the UN because the UN has never had a large enough constituency in this country. And it is common for politicians in Washington to say, “Nobody makes up their vote for Congress or Senate or even president on the basis of where you stand on the UN.” That is despite the best efforts of my wife for ten years to change that.

TED WIDMER:   It says in the exhibit that there was an early draft of about 1,600 words and the final address that was given was about 1,300. Do you regret any of those 300 words that disappeared?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I haven’t the slightest idea what they were. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   And were you receiving pressure from political advisors near the end trying to insert references to policy initiatives or were they shut out of the process largely?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I remember that Kennedy got a letter from the new Senator from Alaska, Ernest Greening, older man, the first Senator from Alaska, who bore no resemblance politically or any other way to the current governor of Alaska. And he wanted Kennedy to mention Alaska in the inaugural address. Somehow that didn’t make the cut. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   I don’t want to ask a disrespectful question but--

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Of whom? [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   Ted Sorensen is the greatest speechwriter in American history. I don’t think there is any doubt about that. But there is one line that rings a little bit to me like a clunker. “If we push back the beachhead of cooperation—if a beachhead of cooperation--

THEODORE SORENSEN:   If it’s a clunker, at least get it right. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   You violated your own rule of short words. It’s the only time you did—but “if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion.” It’s a phrase. It is not a sentence. But do you remember thinking about that, maybe cutting it, not cutting it at the end?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   When you started this question, I knew that was the one you were going to pick up. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   In all honestly, I think Ted and I have talked about this privately before, which is why I ask the question.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Well, it’s not as bad as you and I think it is. [Laughter] Or as Will Rogers said about Beethoven, he wasn’t as bad as he sounded. [Laughter] So the theme was, after all, reflected in the speech, the rest of the speech that followed, find ways of cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union. And perhaps that might get a little opening place to stand and a beachhead, which would clear away some of the suspicion that, at that time, just comprehensively enveloped all the US-Soviet Relations. So the idea was good but it ranks up there with Lincoln’s mystic chords of whatever, whatever, that speechwriters love to use but historians think are clunkers.

TED WIDMER:   Are there any lines you think are overlooked? We know the famous ones. But are there any that you wish people would pay more attention to?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Yes. I said on this stage a little more than, what, eight years ago, just after—it was my first speech, John will remember. It was my first speech after I came out of the hospital. I spoke on Kennedy’s foreign policy. And I said then that I thought greatly overlooked was the one line in the speech that said a lot about Kennedy’s foreign policy and the years that followed—something to the effect, “we must be certain beyond doubt”—“we must be certain that our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, so that we can be certain that we will never have to employ them.”

Then I will tell you what else has been overlooked, Adlai’s contribution about “civility is not a sign of weakness.” There hasn’t been a lot of civility in politics since Kennedy. But let me mention one other thing, which I noticed right when the film began. Kennedy saluted not only Eisenhower, Nixon, Johnson but also President (he called him President) President Truman. President Truman had never received any recognition, had never been invited back to the White House in the eight years after he left. And on the first day Kennedy invited him to the White House and that gentleman was overcome with gratitude.

TED WIDMER:   Did President Kennedy find you later that day or in the days after to give you special congratulations on the address?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Well, certainly not later that day. He and I both had other things to do. So, I have to say, in 11 years JFK was a wonderful boss. And that included very kind words when I worked on something, whether it was a speech or a political assignment or something else that proved successful. He was not shy about thanking me and congratulating me. But on that, the next day or two or three, I just don’t remember. It’s a long time ago.

TED WIDMER:   I think we have a few audience members who want to ask questions. But I want to conclude by saying for me what a professional and personal privilege it is to be here—professionally because all presidential speechwriters from both parties owe more than they care to admit to Ted Sorensen. We plagiarize from ourselves but we all plagiarize from him.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Feel free. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   It was very exciting to finally get to meet him. And I want to say a personal note of thanks because like Barack Obama, I owe my existence to the quality of your speeches. My parents were so impressed by them that they both volunteered for the Kennedy campaign in 1960, so without your speechwriting--

THEODORE SORENSEN:   That’s how they met?

TED WIDMER:   Yes, that’s how they met. And I never would have been a Clinton speechwriter if John Kennedy, Jr. had not asked me to write history columns for George magazine.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Oh, really?

TED WIDMER:   So for both reasons I’m extremely proud to be here.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I’m glad you are here. He also wrote one of the best reviews of my book. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   Well, I’m too polite to say the real reason I was invited, which is I wrote an extremely complimentary book, but I meant it, about Counselor— which I do hope you will all first buy and then read. It is a fantastic book.

So we have two microphones in the center aisles. Tom, shall we just open it up to questions? If audience members would like to form lines between these two microphones, you can ask your own questions of Ted Sorensen.

__:   I think we can all be incredibly grateful to have the chance to meet you. It seems to me that you epitomized that phrase from Lincoln that you were reaching for, “the mystic chords of memory.” But that is what you bring to us with respect to JFK. Second is a comment—You mentioned that people should read his “City on a Hill” speech. You can listen to it also in this book, Let Every Nation Know, which is out there. So in his own words it is there.

And then third, I want to know who that sinister looking bald man is two rows behind President Kennedy. Every time I watch that film, this guy is there chatting to the person to his right and he is looking all around. And I wonder if it was a Secret Service agent.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I think it is the head of Secret Service. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   I might interject a question while other people are coming to the microphones. This is the question on everyone’s mind. But what do you expect to hear on January 20 th ?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Are you talking to me?

TED WIDMER:   Mm-hmmm. 

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Let me—as I said, I don’t predict the future. But I would say there are—the easy way to think about an inaugural address is what it is not or should not be. It should not be a campaign speech so there shouldn’t be, and I don’t believe it will be, anything partisan in Obama’s speech. It’s going to disappoint people who want him to denounce Bush. But I don’t think he will do that in this speech or mention the Republican Party or even John McCain by name.

Second, it should not be a State of the Union address. It is not going to have a laundry list of specific legislative proposals. A place for that will come later in January or February, the State of the Union address. Instead, I think the Obama inaugural, like Kennedy’s will express values, principles, broad, statesman-like ideas.

Third it should not be a fireside chat, which is addressing only the American people about their immediate problems as great, in this year’s case, as those problems are. The inaugural is primarily a speech to the world these days, these days of globalization, especially people in the United States saw a great deal of Barack Obama in the last two years. The world has seen comparatively little of him. They will all be tuned in and that’s why, I would guess, there will much in the speech, whether it’s about American foreign policy or global problems that is addressed to them.

Finally, the inaugural is not a personality projection. It’s not a place for humor as so many campaign speeches sometimes are. I don’t think Obama, who has a good sense of humor in private is going to tell any jokes in the speech, in the inaugural. So I think I will leave it at that.

TED WIDMER:   Ma’am.

__:   I want to thank you, again, for coming. It is always a privilege to hear you.

TED WIDMER:   Can you get a little closer to the microphone?

__:   I just want to ask you what story you were starting to tell before the screen came down and you kind of got interrupted.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Does anybody remember what we were talking about? What were we talking about?

TED WIDMER:   I think we were talking about the final 72 hours of frantic preparation.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   No. No. I told that story.

TED WIDMER:   Yeah. You can make up a story. [Laughter]

THEODORE SORENSEN:   No. I want to tell it if I can only remember what it is.  Anybody remember what I was saying or you had just asked?

TED WIDMER:   Why don’t we go to the next question?

__:   It means a great deal for me to be here today. I just wanted to say thank you for your service to our country.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Thank you

__:   My question has to do with what was said earlier about the focus towards the beginning of the address on human rights. And did Eleanor Roosevelt—do you feel that her beliefs had any impact on the speech, especially the Universal Declaration of Human Rights?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, probably received very little inspiration from Kennedy’s speech in 1961, if that was the question. Maybe I didn’t hear it right. We just celebrated a month ago of the 60 th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a tremendous document that has been totally ignored by the United States for the last eight years.

TED WIDMER:   I think what she means is, was the thinking of Eleanor Roosevelt in your head as you were drafting the inaugural? And I believe she was in attendance also. I think Eleanor Roosevelt was there.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   She was there even though, for a very long time, she was not a Kennedy supporter. She was for Adlai until after the convention. And then, somewhat reluctantly, because she didn’t like Kennedy’s father and she was suspicious of Kennedy’s religion and money. But, afterwards she—and she also visited the White House early at Kennedy’s invitation. And not ever having had an opportunity to meet her until the day she did visit the White House, I can’t really claim that it was her words or messages that were in my head at the time. But it is clear that the Universal Declaration of which she was the leading figure played an important role in—

I have to give Jimmy Carter and the Congress at the time of Jimmy Carter some credit for emphasizing human rights on a worldwide basis also. But she had a lot to do with starting it. So, yes, to the extent that it was in my head at the time that I was working on that first draft, she deserves some credit for that.

__:   Thank you.

TED WIDMER:   Next question. Oh, I’m sorry. I didn’t see you, sir.

__:   I have kind of a two-part question. One, could you speak a little bit about the power of rhetoric in politics and its importance, perhaps, or the lack of it in the last eight years, the kind of lack of focus on words, even a disdain for words? And secondly, could you compare a little bit about the power of the speeches and the delivery of Kennedy and Obama?  There is a lot of talk about Obama perhaps being the greatest political speech maker since Kennedy and I would like your thoughts on that.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Well, first of all, I agree, Obama is the greatest since Kennedy with the possible exception of Kennedy’s brother Robert. But the power of words, I’m sure that Ted Widmer and all his fellow speechwriters were outraged by the attempt by Obama’s opponents, both during the primary race for the nomination and the general election—those opponents kept trying to dismiss his eloquence, his speech making ability as just words, just rhetoric.

And I was often interviewed on that subject. I said, “Just words, that’s how a president operates. That’s how John F. Kennedy galvanized the country to fight the prejudice against his religion. That’s how John F. Kennedy was able to win passage through Congress of legislation in his first year despite the fact that they Republicans and Dixie-crats opposed to his policies had a majority in Congress.

“That’s how John F. Kennedy at the United Nations was able to win the decent respect of mankind, as Jefferson would have called it, behind his foreign policy, which during the Cuban missile crisis, as I said on this stage before, turned out to be very, very important in getting Khrushchev to pull back. That’s how John F. Kennedy through his press conferences, interestingly enough, was able to win the loyalty and the support as well as the understanding of his own federal appointees, the officials at every level, high and low in Washington to unite them behind his program.”

Just words? If you don’t have the power of just words, you ought to seek another job. [Applause]

__:   I have a question about writing a speech, the practicalities of it. When you sit down and you had a blank piece of paper or if you are in my generation you are looking at a blank computer screen, how do you organize your thoughts and you inspirations and the structure of it? Just what are the practicalities of putting something like that together?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Well, I suppose every speechwriter has his own answer. I remember Bill Manchester who wrote a very controversial book and article about John F. Kennedy, telling me that as far as he was concerned, there was nothing to it. He just put that paper in his typewriter and stared at it and kept on staring at it until the little beads of blood appeared on his forehead. [Laughter]

I’ve never had beads of blood. I begin with an outline. And then I think about--

TED WIDMER:   Longhand?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Oh, yes. In the old days—that’s why my book took six years. In the old days, I wrote everything out by long hand and I can’t do that anymore.

TED WIDMER:   And in pencil.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Pen.

TED WIDMER:   Pen.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Usually yellow pad. And I think there is one of them in the exhibit downstairs. But I have sometimes said it’s just a matter of a few lines, an outline, a headline, a frontline, a bottom line and a few sidelines. [Laughter] Then to make it easier to remember, I urge that everybody try to have speeches characterized, see if I can remember them, by charity, meaning towards the audience, praising them and making them feel good; clarity, which is why you need the outline; brevity; and levity. Now you are all set. [Laughter] [Applause]

TED WIDMER:   As an ex-speechwriter I noticed one thing in the exhibit, which is the reading copy is there. And it was a loose leaf, three-ring binder, notebook the kind we all used in high school. And the type is large font. But the paragraphs bleed from one page into the next. And we, perhaps our only improvement in the Clinton administration was, we would make sure paragraphs ended at the bottom of the page and then new paragraphs would start. So you are not turning the page in the middle of reading the paragraph.

And I noticed on the film a couple of times, he’s in the middle of a thought, turning a page. And we tried to avoid that. So that may be our only offering.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I’m astonished to hear that but you will have to blame Evelyn Lincoln. [Laughter]

TED WIDMER:   Sir.

__:   Yes. I have a question, which you might thing of as being very parochial. Almost every English speaking politician seems to try at some stage to wrap themselves in the mantle of Winston Churchill, even those people who could not be more different from him in terms of temperament and character. And, particularly given JFK’s experiences in England during World War II, the fact also that Winston Churchill and his father could certainly not be described as friends during the time when his father was ambassador to London in 1940—and was, in fact, very much against the English and was convinced that they would fail—to what extent did Winston Churchill in his speeches form part and parcel of the background or the things from which you plagiarized or otherwise drew great ideas from the speeches that you, yourself authored?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I don’t totally agree with the premise of your questions. First of all, I’ve learned over the years that, as is true of a lot of controversial people, Ambassador Joseph Kennedy got a bad rap. He was not as bad as many historians described him and he was not anti-English and certainly was not anti-Semitic and certainly was not pro-Hitler. So I really don’t know what that relationship was. But I do know that to John F. Kennedy and I, both admired Churchill’s statesmanship and, above all, the clarity of his speeches and other pronouncements.

I often use as an example, going back to when I do lecture on speechwriting, whey you talk about direct, short, simple statements, take the opening sentence of Churchill’s report when France fell. One sentence: “The news from France is very bad.” That says it all. So I have no doubt that Churchill’s prose influenced Kennedy and me at the time both of us were thinking about the inaugural.

__:   I do actually have some family experience with Ambassador Kennedy in London. My father at the time was trying to get a visa to come to the United States and he had to go for an interview and did, in fact, have some interaction with the ambassador who advised him to take the visa because England was finished. So that was one of the reasons why I was particularly interested in JFK who, of course, ended up with a very different set of attitudes, it seemed to me at least, than his father had.

TED WIDMER:   Why don’t we take these last two questions and then it will be 3:30 or just after. Is that all right? Okay.

__:   Just as a young person I want to thank you for your service to the country.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Thank you.

__:   You spoke at length about your 72 hours leading up to your entrance into the White House. I was hoping that you could maybe go into a little depth. What were your first few hours like? What was your first day like? What is the Obama staff going to be going through on the 20 th ?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I certainly hope they don’t follow my example. My alarm clock didn’t work and I overslept [Laughter] and rushed there to take part in a group swearing in. And there was already a stack of work on my desk. And one of my deputies, Mike Feldman had already drafted, at the President’s request, Executive Order #1, which was to provide more surplus food for the poor after what he had seen in the hungry hollows of West Virginia.

TED WIDMER:   Last question. Ma’am?

__:   I just wanted to say this is a great honor. I came from New Jersey just to hear this today. [Applause] I wanted to know a little bit about when you write the speech that’s then inaugural speech how did you—you covered some of it about your approach to it. But when you compare it to--

THEODORE SORENSEN:   I’m sorry. I’m not understanding this.

__:   I’m sorry. When you wrote the inaugural speech or when you participate and are writing that and speeches that followed, maybe that dealt with the Bay of Pigs, speeches that had to deal with when Kennedy was talking about the Cuban missile crisis, which did you find more difficult? Or how did you—what is your approach when you are doing the inaugural as opposed to when you are writing speeches for monumental occasions such as, like I said, the Cuban missile process? What is the thought process? Is it the same or is it a different approach?

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Well, that’s a very good question. The inaugural is, by definition, one of a kind. Sad to say in John F. Kennedy’s case there was no second inaugural. On the other hand you hope that the speech I wrote on the night of October 22 nd is one of a kind. And that the prospect of a nuclear war, we’ll never come that close again. And one doesn’t know quite what to say to avoid panicking the American people, which Kennedy told me is one of the reasons why he did not want to put the actual photographs of missiles on the television screen.

And at the same time, you don’t want to sound like you are ready to go to war or—I still remember in the discussions of the Ex-Com that week, we received a, I don’t think I’m revealing any secrets here, a cable from our ambassador in Germany, West Germany of course, in those days. Because Berlin was the real powder keg and could blow up as a result of whatever we did.

And the Ambassador said, “Well, the West German government is divided into three camps on what the US position should be. Some are hoping it is not too tough, start a war. Some are hoping it is not too soft, lose our security. And the rest are undecided.” [Laughter] It made it a little tough for the speechwriter.

But as I’ve told other audiences, so I apologize if you were in those audiences and heard this before. During the years, including here, when I spoke on the Cuban missile crisis, some men about Ted’s age or maybe a little older, who were in college at that time—have come up to me afterwards and thanked me for making that speech the night of October 22, 1962 so scary they could persuade their college sweethearts it was their last night on earth. [Laughter] [Applause]

TED WIDMER:   This may well have been my parents. Well, on that note, thank you all for coming. [Laughter]

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

TED WIDMER:   They are standing up.

THEODORE SORENSEN:   Oh, isn’t that nice. Thank you. Thank you.

TOM PUTNAM:   Thank you all very much for coming. The books are on sale in the bookstore. For the many exalted reasons to thank Mr. Sorensen, one other reason why was the shortest speech in the 20 th century was JFK’s instruction that he didn’t want to be remembered as a windbag. And you have certainly succeeded in doing that. So thank you all so much for coming today.

END OF FORUM

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How to write an inaugural address

The inaugural address is the center stage of american public life. it is a place where rhetorical ambition is expected. it symbolizes the peaceful transfer of power -- something relatively rare in human history..

By William McKenzie|Contributor

4:03 PM on Jan 10, 2017 CST

There are speeches, and then there are speeches. An inaugural address seems to be in a class of its own. In Lincoln's case, his words ended up chiseled in stone at the Lincoln Monument. How does a president, or president-elect, even start tackling an address that could shape history?

The inaugural address is the center stage of American public life. It is a place where rhetorical ambition is expected. It symbolizes the peaceful transfer of power -- something relatively rare in human history. It provides the public, Congress and members of a new president's own administration an indication of his tone and vision. It is intended to express the best, most inspiring, most unifying version of president's core beliefs. And that requires knowing your core beliefs.

I read that you went back and studied all prior inaugural addresses before starting to work on President Bush's 2001 inaugural address. What did you learn from that experience? Would you recommend it for others who go through this process?

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It is a pretty tough slog in the early 19 th century, before getting to Abraham Lincoln and the best speech of American history, his Second Inaugural Address. That speech is remarkable for telling a nation on the verge of a military victory that had cost hundreds of thousands of lives that it was partially responsible for the slaughter; that its massive suffering represented divine justice.

Strictly speaking, it is only necessary to read the greatest hits among inaugurals to get a general feel. But it would be a mistake to miss some less celebrated but worthy efforts such as Richard Nixon in 1968: "America has suffered from a fever of words... we cannot learn from each other until we stop shouting at one another." This theme of national unity is a consistent thread throughout inaugural history.

Having worked on two inaugural addresses, and read so many, do they by and large set the stage for the next four years? Or, are they mostly forgotten?

Some of the speeches are undeniably forgettable. But even those are never really forgotten. They are some of the most revealing documents of presidential history, when a chief executive tries to put his ideals and agenda into words. Students of the presidency will read those speeches to help understand a president's self-conception and the political atmosphere of his time.

What was the writing and editing process like with President Bush on these addresses? And what did you all learn from the first address that shaped the second one in 2005?

President Bush's first inaugural address was intended to be a speech of national unity and healing. He had just won a difficult election in which he lost the popular vote (which certainly sounds familiar). It was a moment of some drama, with his opponent, Vice President Gore, seated on the podium near the President-Elect.

President Bush would often edit speeches by reading them aloud to a small group of advisers, which he did several times at Blair House during the transition. "Our unity, our Union," he said in his first inaugural, "is a serious work of leaders and citizens and every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity."

The second inaugural was quite different, not so much a speech of national unity as a speech of national purpose. President Bush had a strong vision of what he wanted his second inaugural to accomplish. "I want it to be the freedom speech," he told me in the Cabinet room after the first Cabinet meeting following his reelection had broken up. It was intended to be a tight summary of Bush's foreign policy approach, setting high goals while recognizing great difficulties in the post-9/11 world.

"We are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion," he said. "The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world."

Globalization figured prominently as a theme in Donald Trump's victorious presidential campaign. I would assume we are likely to hear more in his address about America's place in the globalized economy. But what do you think? What themes are we likely to hear?

We are seeing a reaction to globalization across the western world, and this set of issues certainly motivated a portion of President-elect Trump's coalition. It is essential for political leaders to help a generation of workers prepare for an increasingly skills-based economy. It is a fantasy, however, for a political leader to promise the reversal of globalization, any more than he or she could promise the reversal of industrialization. Trump should address the struggles of middle and working class Americans. But it is deceptive and self-destructive to blame those struggles on trade and migrants.

What happens after these big speeches are given? Do presidents and the team that helped prepare them go back to the White House and high-five each other? I guess it would be a little indecorous to throw Gatorade buckets on each other, like victorious football teams do after winning the Super Bowl.

As I remember it, the new president attends a lunch hosted by congressional leaders. Then he goes to the reviewing stand in front of the White House for the inaugural parade. (Jimmy Carter actually walked in the parade a bit.)

I remember entering the White House that afternoon, walking into the Roosevelt Room (where senior staff and other meetings take place) and watching a workman take down the picture of Franklin Roosevelt from above the fireplace and put up the picture of Teddy Roosevelt. I felt fortunate to be present at a great tradition. In fact, every day at the White House was an honor.

This Q&A was conducted by William McKenzie, editor of The Catalyst: A Journal of Ideas from the Bush Institute. Email:  [email protected] . 

William McKenzie|Contributor

Speechworks

Public speaking lessons from john f. kennedy’s inaugural address.

No one knows how history will ultimately judge President Obama’s recent inaugural address. But most agree that President Kennedy’s inaugural address in 1961 – “Ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country“ — was among the best ever.

But when JFK started in politics, he was a mediocre speaker. By looking at how he grew into a great speaker, we can all learn to connect better with our audiences.

Work Is More Important than Being Gifted

I’m often asked whether it is possible to develop into a great speaker: whether you must be “born with it.” But JFK developed into a great speaker over time with lots of practice.

Kennedy’s political career started in 1946 when he ran for Congress in Boston. He was a poor speaker, according to Robert Caro, writing in his book “The Years of Lyndon Johnson: The Passage of Power.” The fantastic book deals with the relationship between Johnson and Kennedy. Describing a speech during that first campaign, Caro wrote:

His early speeches all seemed to be, a biographer has written, “both mediocre and humorless . . . read from a prepared text with all the insecurity of a novice, in a voice “tensely high-pitched” and “with a quality of grave seriousness that masked his discomfiture . . . He seemed to be just a trifle embarrassed on stage.” Once, afraid he was going to forget his speech, his sister Eunice mouth the words at him from the audience as he spoke.

Of course, when you’re giving dozens of speeches during a political campaign, you improve. That’s what happened with JFK.

How to become a great speaker? Practice.

Learn to Play Up Your Strengths

Sometimes the key to improvement as a speaker is to play to your strengths. JFK had a gift for witty comments. Caro describes how, even before he was accomplished as a speaker, JFK occasionally flashed what would become his trademark wit.

At one forum in which all the candidates spoke, the master of ceremonies, no friend to Kennedy and eager to emphasize that he was a rich man’s son, made a point of introducing each of the others as a “young fellow who came up the hard way.” Then was Kennedy’s turn. “I seem to be the only person here tonight who didn’t come up the hard way, “ he said – and suddenly there was a grin and the audience roared with laughter . . .

Today, in addition to his inaugural speech, Kennedy is perhaps most famous for his self-deprecating wit. Check out his press conferences on YouTube.

The lesson is that we should focus on our strengths as speakers. Some people are great at Q&A. Others thrive with story telling. Still others know how to coin a clever phrase. Follow Kennedy’s lead. Develop and emphasize your strength.

Walk in with Power

Another Kennedy lesson is to enter a room with confidence. For most of his life, Addison’s disease and back problems dogged Kennedy. He often looked sickly. He was often in pain. But, Caro recounts, when he came into the room, he put away his crutches and strode in with a big smile as if he felt great.

We urge our clients to walk into the room “wearing boots and spurs.” You want to look excited and eager to connect with the audience.

Even if you never give an inaugural address, you want to look like you could.

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History Resources

John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address, 1961

A spotlight on a primary source by john f. kennedy.

Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need—not as a call to battle, though embattled we are—but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"—a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.  

John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address, January 20, 1961 (John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum, National Archives and Records Administration, http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/BqXIEM9F4024ntFl7SVAjA.aspx )

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom—symbolizing an end as well as a beginning—signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe—the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans—born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage—and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge—and more.

. . . to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.

So let us begin anew—remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate. . . .

Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need—not as a call to battle, though embattled we are—but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"—a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself. . . .

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility—I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. . . .

A full transcript is available  here  as a pdf.

Questions for discussion.

Read the introduction, view the photo image, and read the transcript of John F. Kennedy’s inaugural address. Then apply your knowledge of American history to answer the following questions:

• Identify those segments of President Kennedy’s Inaugural Address where he acknowledged the significant dangers posed by the arms race and the nuclear threat. How did he explain his concerns?
• Beginning with the paragraph “To those old allies,” select two paragraphs where JFK defined our relationship with another nation and / or region. Then, list and explain the specific pledge he held out to the nation and / or region you selected.
• How can you explain President Kennedy’s emphasis on international concerns while at the time of his inauguration the United States was facing serious internal issues regarding poverty and civil rights?
• How did President Kennedy urge the citizens of the United States to rise to the challenges that faced mid-twentieth-century America?

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Inaugural Address (1933)

• March 04, 1933

Introduction

Franklin D. Roosevelt’s first inaugural address is perhaps the most famous speech of its kind in American history, with its memorable phrase, “the only thing we have to fear is fear itself.” In it he diagnosed the Depression as a symptom of moral decay, and promised to set things right now that the “money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.” This would mean a far more activist federal government, and, in particular, a far stronger presidency. Indeed, he told his listeners that if Congress did not respond quickly and forcefully enough to his initiatives, he would ask for “broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.”

Source: Samuel Rosenman, ed., The Public Papers of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Volume Two: The Year of Crisis, 1933 , (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Library, 2005), pp. 11–16.

I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself – nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.

More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. [1]

The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. [2] We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.

Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.

Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now.

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.

Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.

Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States.

Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States – a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.

In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor – the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others – the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.

If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.

It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis – broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.

We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.

• 1. A reference to Proverbs 29:18, “Where there is no vision, the people perish: but he that keepeth the law, happy is he.”
• 2. Roosevelt is alluding to the story of Jesus throwing the money changers out of the temple in Jerusalem. The story is in Matthew 21:12-17, Mark 11:15-19, Luke 19: 45:48, and John 2:13-16.

Call for Legislation to Create the Tennessee Valley Authority

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Milestone Documents

President John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address (1961)

Citation: Inaugural Address, Kennedy Draft, 01/17/1961; Papers of John F. Kennedy: President's Office Files, 01/20/1961-11/22/1963; John F. Kennedy Library; National Archives and Records Administration.

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On January 20, 1961, President John F. Kennedy delivered his inaugural address in which he announced that "we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and success of liberty."

The inaugural ceremony is a defining moment in a president’s career — and no one knew this better than John F. Kennedy as he prepared for his own inauguration on January 20, 1961. He wanted his address to be short and clear, devoid of any partisan rhetoric and focused on foreign policy.

Kennedy began constructing his speech in late November, working from a speech file kept by his secretary and soliciting suggestions from friends and advisors. He wrote his thoughts in his nearly indecipherable longhand on a yellow legal pad.

While his colleagues submitted ideas, the speech was distinctly the work of Kennedy himself. Aides recounted that every sentence was worked, reworked, and reduced. The meticulously crafted piece of oratory dramatically announced a generational change in the White House. It called on the nation to combat "tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself" and urged American citizens to participate in public service.

The climax of the speech and its most memorable phrase – "Ask not what your country can do for you – ask what you can do for your country" – was honed down from a thought about sacrifice that Kennedy had long held in his mind and had expressed in various ways in campaign speeches.

Less than six weeks after his inauguration, on March 1, President Kennedy issued an executive order establishing the Peace Corps as a pilot program within the Department of State. He envisioned the Peace Corps as a pool of trained American volunteers who would go overseas to help foreign countries meet their needs for skilled manpower. Later that year, Congress passed the Peace Corps Act, making the program permanent.

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Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge--and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens . . . (and) let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are-- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

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The first amendment, historic document, first inaugural address (1801).

Thomas Jefferson | 1801

The Election of 1800 was one of the most important elections in American history.  Following a bitter contest, Thomas Jefferson defeated John Adams, marking the first time in American history that an incumbent President lost a reelection bid.  This led to the peaceful transfer of power from one President (and political party) to another—in the process, setting an important precedent for early America and an example for the rest of the world.  On March 4, 1801, Jefferson was sworn in as the third President of the United States.  In his First Inaugural Address, Jefferson called on the American people to approach one another with civility and magnanimity—famously announcing, “We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.”  To that end, Jefferson discussed the need for his fellow Americans to “unite in common efforts for the common good,” the importance of equal rights for political minorities, and the value of the American people uniting “with one heart and one mind” and restoring “that harmony and affection without which liberty, and even life itself, are but dreary things.”

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The National Constitution Center

A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye – when I contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking. . . .

During the contest of opinion through which we have passed the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think; but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good. All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression.

Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind. Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things. And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety. But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.

If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not be strong, that this Government is not strong enough; but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this Government, the world’s best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth. I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.

Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter – with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-citizens – a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.

About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our Government, and consequently those which ought to shape its Administration. I will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations. Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies; the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people – a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.

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President cyril ramaphosa full inauguration speech.

• June 19, 2024

Fellow South Africans,

We gather here, as people born of the same soil across our nine provinces that make up a unitary South Africa, determined that by our deeds we shall heal the divisions of our past, and overcome the ongoing inequalities and hardships of the present.

We affirm our unwavering fidelity to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, which is based on the enduring vision and values of the Freedom Charter.

As the leadership of this diverse nation, we have a sacred duty to unite the people of South Africa.

We affirm that history has placed on our shoulders the responsibility to transform our country into a non-racial and non-sexist society.

We rededicate ourselves to the task of democratic renewal and social and economic transformation so that no one is left behind.

And so, as we enter another era in the life of our nation, the resilience of our democracy has once more been tested and the people have spoken loudly that they choose peace and democracy over violent, undemocratic and unconstitutional methods.

The voters of South Africa did not give any single party the full mandate to govern our country alone.

They have directed us to work together to address their plight and realise their aspirations.

They want a transformed, growing and inclusive economy that creates jobs for millions of job seekers and offer business opportunities to all entrepreneurs in our nation – women and men, young and old.

They have described a country in which all may rise above the circumstances of their birth, nurtured by loving families, aided by a caring state and empowered by initiative, will and hard work.

Through their votes they have made clear that they want the basic necessities of a life that is comfortable, happy, healthy and secure.

Through their votes they asserted that they want enough food to eat. Water that is clean. Affordable electricity that is available at all times.

The people of South Africa have asked no more than to be properly cared for when they are sick, they want the young to be taught well, for the elderly to be cared for, and for those without work to work.

The people of South Africa have spoken about the land they want to farm, about the businesses they want to run, about the things and products they want to make, about the skills they want to learn.

They have spoken of their desire to be safe in their homes, on the street, in their cities, in their villages and on their farms.

The people have demanded an end to the theft of public funds and the capture of the state.

Today, I stand before you as your humble servant to say we have heard you.

As the President of the Republic, I will work with everyone to reach out and work with every political party and sector that is willing to contribute to finding solutions to the challenges our country faces as we transition to a new decade of freedom.

Thirty years have passed since we turned our back on racial tyranny and embraced an open and democratic society.

We have made great strides in building a new society that is founded on strong democratic institutions and universal freedoms.

The lines drawn by our history, between black and white, between man and woman, between suburbs and townships, between urban and rural, between the wealthy and the poor, remain etched in our landscape.

In places, these lines may have faded, but they have not disappeared.

We are citizens of one country and yet we occupy different worlds, separated by high walls and great distances.

We are divided between those who have jobs and those who do not work; between those who have the means to build and enjoy a comfortable life and those who do not.

And so today is no ordinary day.

It is a moment of fundamental consequence in the life of our nation.

It is a moment when we must choose to either move forward together or risk losing all we have built.

In this moment we must choose to move forward;

This moment requires extraordinary courage and leadership.

It requires a common mission to safeguard national unity, peace, stability, inclusive economic growth, non-racialism and non-sexism.

Through the ballots that they have cast, the people of South Africa have made plain their expectation that the leaders of our country should work together.

They have directed their representatives to put aside animosity and dissent, to abandon narrow interests, and to pursue together only that which benefits the nation.

Understanding that no party can govern alone and make laws alone, these parties have agreed to work in partnership, to employ their talents for the good of the country and the progress of its people.

Together, they have resolved to establish a government of national unity to pursue a common programme of fundamental and lasting change.

The formation of a government of national unity is a moment of profound significance. It is the beginning of a new era.

As the leaders of this country came together in a government of national unity 30 years ago to forge a common future and build a united nation, the parties in the government of national unity of today have agreed to work together to address the most pressing challenges before our nation.

The parties have adopted a Statement of Intent, in which they have committed to pursue rapid, inclusive and sustainable economic growth;

to stabilise government and to build state capacity.

The parties have made a commitment to invest in South Africa’s people through quality education and health care;

to address crime and corruption;

to strengthen social cohesion and build a united nation; and,

to pursue a foreign policy based on human rights, solidarity and peace.

As South Africans, we must each do what we can to achieve this mission.

We will invite all parties, civil society, labour, business and other formations to a National Dialogue on the critical challenges facing the nation.

Even as we are united in our diversity, we are a people of deep and abiding faith.

We pray for our nation, for our spirits to be lifted, and for our fortunes to be restored.

We owe this noble mission our courage.

We must be brave and we must be bold.

This is a new tide that heralds progress, transformation and deep, fundamental change.

We look to this rising tide with optimism and hope.

We must reject every attempt to divide or distract us, to sow doubt or cynicism, or to turn us against one another.

Nothing will distract us from serving the people and advancing their interests.

Now is the time to move forward. Together, we will do more and better.

Now is the time to assemble all our capabilities and to direct all our energies to answer the call of the people of South Africa.

We dare not linger, we dare not rest, until we have created jobs for those who need them;

until there is enough food on every table;

We cannot rest until criminals are off our streets and the drugs are out of our communities;

until men no longer perpetrate violence against women and children;

until those who steal from the people are held to account.

We dare not rest while our communities are ravaged by flood, fire and drought.

Together, we will confront the threat of a rapidly warming planet.

We will accept our responsibility to respond to climate change in a manner that is ambitious, just and inclusive.

We do this for the sake of this generation and all those that will follow.

We will join hands with our brothers and sisters across our beloved continent Africa to find peace, to achieve stability, to advance development.

Through the African Continental Free Trade Area, through the construction of roads, and rail lines, factories and power stations, Africa will embark on a new age of production and commerce.

Today, I make a solemn commitment to be a President for all South Africans;

to defend our Constitution and protect our democracy;

to work with all those who share the dream of a better life for all;

to care for the poor and the vulnerable, and to support all those who are in need;

My country is for health and wealth

See the blue of the sea

And beneath the jewels of fish

Deep under the bowels of soil

Hear the golden voice of a miner’s praise for my country

My country is for unity

Their hands are joined together

And there is hope in their eyes

On this day, our hands are joined together. We are united. We are full of hope.

May God bless South Africa and protect its people.

Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika.

Morena boloka setjhaba sa heso.

God seën Suid-Afrika.

Mudzimu fhatutshedza Afurika.

Hosi katekisa Afrika.

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• Cyril Ramaphosa
• South Africa

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How to Make a “Good” Presentation “Great”

• Guy Kawasaki

Remember: Less is more.

A strong presentation is so much more than information pasted onto a series of slides with fancy backgrounds. Whether you’re pitching an idea, reporting market research, or sharing something else, a great presentation can give you a competitive advantage, and be a powerful tool when aiming to persuade, educate, or inspire others. Here are some unique elements that make a presentation stand out.

• Fonts: Sans Serif fonts such as Helvetica or Arial are preferred for their clean lines, which make them easy to digest at various sizes and distances. Limit the number of font styles to two: one for headings and another for body text, to avoid visual confusion or distractions.
• Colors: Colors can evoke emotions and highlight critical points, but their overuse can lead to a cluttered and confusing presentation. A limited palette of two to three main colors, complemented by a simple background, can help you draw attention to key elements without overwhelming the audience.
• Pictures: Pictures can communicate complex ideas quickly and memorably but choosing the right images is key. Images or pictures should be big (perhaps 20-25% of the page), bold, and have a clear purpose that complements the slide’s text.
• Layout: Don’t overcrowd your slides with too much information. When in doubt, adhere to the principle of simplicity, and aim for a clean and uncluttered layout with plenty of white space around text and images. Think phrases and bullets, not sentences.

As an intern or early career professional, chances are that you’ll be tasked with making or giving a presentation in the near future. Whether you’re pitching an idea, reporting market research, or sharing something else, a great presentation can give you a competitive advantage, and be a powerful tool when aiming to persuade, educate, or inspire others.

• Guy Kawasaki is the chief evangelist at Canva and was the former chief evangelist at Apple. Guy is the author of 16 books including Think Remarkable : 9 Paths to Transform Your Life and Make a Difference.

Partner Center

Presidential debate live updates: the Biden-Trump faceoff is over, but the wider debate is just beginning

This live blog is no longer being updated. The NPR Politics Podcast will be out with a new episode overnight. For more post-debate updates and analysis on Friday morning, check back on NPR.org, tune into NPR’s Morning Edition and subscribe to NPR’s Up First and Politics newsletters . 

Trump and Biden faced off in the first presidential debate of the 2024 election with new rules, high stakes and no live audience. The candidates traded insults, went down tangents and argued about golf .

Both candidates had shaky moments — Trump repeatedly dodged committing to accepting the election results , while Biden’s raspy voice and sometimes rambling answers likely did little to assuage critics’ concerns about his age.

• Immigration , the economy and foreign policy dominated the 90-minute debate. Other key topics, like abortion , young voters and climate change , got much less airtime.
• Interruptions were relatively few, thanks to the new rules around muting candidates’ mics . But moderators did little to fact check or follow up on what was said. 
• The insults got personal: Each candidate called the other the worst president in history. Trump insulted Biden’s cognitive abilities and golf game, while Biden went after his weight and appearance. 
• Trump’s campaign immediately declared victory , while the Biden campaign focused on substance over style. Biden himself gave a more upbeat report at a campaign event right after the debate. 
• The first debate may be over, but the political calendar is still chock-full for the summer .

The live blog is closing down, but NPR's coverage will continue bright and early

By Rachel Treisman

This live blog is wrapping up, but we'll have plenty more post-debate coverage and analysis for you early birds in the hours ahead — from a new overnight episode of the NPR Politics Podcast to Morning Edition to takeaways on NPR.org

Thanks for sticking with us, and see you back here soon!

NPR Special Coverage: Abortion a miss for both candidates

By Clayton Kincade

The issue of abortion was expected to be a big win of the night for President Biden, but neither candidate made cohesive arguments about their policy stances. NPR’s Steve Inskeep said that this portion of the debate was hard to follow, as each candidate failed to push forward their views in an appropriate manner.

NPR’s Elissa Nadworny said that Biden looked "uncomfortable” when talking about abortion, mentioning his stumbles when Trump asked him about his stance on late-term abortions. Nadworny attributed this fault to the fact that the issue has been more closely tied to Vice President Kamala Harris during his presidency, who has frequently spoken on the issue in recent months.

NPR’s Deepa Shivaram also noted that Biden did not mention Trump's relation to Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization , which overturned Roe v. Wade . Trump has campaigned on the Dobbs decision during this election cycle and takes credit for appointing three conservative-leaning justices to the court.

On the other hand, Trump repeated false claims about abortion and seemed hesitant to tie himself to the current Supreme Court.

Trump claimed that doctors have adopted the widespread practice of executing babies born alive after a failed abortion, but Nadworny said that it has only happened 143 times in 12 years, according to CDC data.

NPR Special Coverage: One of Biden's biggest vulnerabilities on full display — his age

By Jeongyoon Han

While Biden seemed to gain more energy throughout the course of the debate, one of Biden's biggest weaknesses with voters — his age — did not do him any favors tonight.

"He wasn't able to parry the attacks from former President Trump in the way that he would want to, wasn't able to deliver the attacks back on him to be able to pivot," NPR's Domenico Montanaro told host Steve Inskeep.

"There have to be a lot of Democrats wondering what it would be like to have a different candidate on that stage," Montanaro said.

White House correspondent Deepa Shivaram added that Biden's performance tonight stood in stark contrast to his State of the Union delivery.

"That's not really the Biden we saw tonight," Shivaram said.

Shivaram noted Biden was slower to respond to Trump and missed key opportunities to go on the offensive.

"He didn't really have the bandwidth to respond on the issues that he really needed to hammer home," she added, including on abortion, the economy, and democracy.

Biden gives supporters an upbeat recap after the debate

By Barbara Sprunt

Tamara Keith

Immediately after the debate, Biden made a stop at a nearby hotel ballroom where a few hundred supporters had watched his performance.

Entering the room to chants of “four more years,” Biden — more energetic than he had been on the debate stage — gave brief remarks.

"Look, folks: what's going to happen over the next couple of days is they're going to be out there fact-checking all the things he said. I can't think of one thing he said that was true," he said, referring to Trump.

"We're going to beat this guy. We need to beat this guy," he said.

Biden campaign focuses on substance of debate, sidestepping the performance problems

By Tamara Keith

After the debate, the Biden campaign didn't send out a statement instantly declaring victory, as Trump's did.

Given Biden’s cold-weakened voice, stumbles and at-times halting answers, the Biden campaign emphasized substance rather than style.

The campaign pointed to the fact that Trump refused to say he would accept the election results if he loses, his January 6th denialism and his promise of retribution for his political enemies.

“Trump’s performance tonight reminded the American people why they fired him four years ago, and reinforced just how high the stakes are this November for the future of our country,” said top campaign adviser Jen O’Malley Dillon.

But none of that stopped a full-fledged freak-out from Democrats who had been hoping to see a better performance from the president.

Speaking on CNN, Kate Bedingfield, a long-time Biden aide now working for the network, described Biden’s debate performance as “disappointing.”

“His biggest issue was to prove to the American people that he had the energy, the stamina — and he didn’t do that,” said Bedingfield.

But another Biden campaign official posted that despite it all, the president was having a record fundraising day.

Twitter: Doing twitter stuff. Biden supporters: Doing the work, powering us to our best grassroots fundraising day of the cycle by far. — Rob Flaherty (@Rob_Flaherty) June 28, 2024

Missing from the debate? A mention of young voters

By Elena Moore

President Biden has been struggling in the polls with younger voters — a key group that overwhelmingly backed him four years ago and one he is counting on again this year.

The president did not directly address young voters during the debate. However, he did mention his newly unveiled Climate Corps jobs and training program — which plans to offer thousands of climate and conservation jobs for young Americans.

Former President Donald Trump also did not address young Americans — but his campaign is not relying on massive youth support in the same way, given that younger voters typically vote for Democrats.

Trump's campaign is already declaring victory

Moments after the debate wrapped, the Trump campaign sent an email to supporters touting his "historic debate victory."

Co-campaign managers Chris LaCivita and Susie Wiles said Trump delivered "the greatest debate performance and victory in history to the largest voter audience in history, making clear exactly how he will improve the lives of every American."

In contrast, they said, Biden "showed exactly why he deserves to be fired."

"Despite taking a week-long vacation at Camp David to prepare for the debate, Biden was unable to defend his disastrous record on the economy and the border," they added, accusing him of lying, inventing stories and not articulating "a single plan to make things less expensive and keep our people safe."

The debate had shaky moments for both candidates. Trump made outsized claims and again refused to commit to accepting the election results regardless of the winner, while Biden's visible stumbles likely did little to assuage critics' concerns about his age and mental fitness.

There's a lot on the political calendar before the next debate. See key dates here

Trump will likely announce his pick for vice president in the coming weeks. There will also be a vice presidential debate this summer. The date has not been finalized, but Vice President Harris agreed to one held either July 23 or Aug. 13.

On the legal front, Trump will appear for sentencing in his criminal trial on July 11, just days before the Republican National Convention, which begins on July 15 in Milwaukee. A month later, the Democratic National Convention will kick off on Aug. 19 in Chicago.

Trump and Biden will debate a second time on Sept. 10.

Fact check on addiction and the opioid crisis

By Brian Mann

CNN's Jake Tapper asked both candidates about the addiction and overdose crisis that worsened under the Trump and Biden administrations. More than 100,000 people in the U.S. are dying every year of drug overdoses.

“We were doing very well on addiction until the COVID came along,” Trump said during the debate. “We had two and a half, almost three years of like nobody’s ever had before any country in every way.”

In fact, drug deaths rose during the first two years of Trump’s term, declined slightly and then surged again during COVID.

The increase in fatal overdoses accelerated sharply during Biden’s first term. Public health experts blame the rise on the pandemic and on the spread of street fentanyl.

Biden answered the question by arguing that a bipartisan border deal opposed by Trump would have paid for better security and new high-tech surveillance equipment designed to detect smuggled fentanyl.

“I want to make sure we use the machinery that can detect fentanyl,” Biden said. “We need those machines.”

Critics have been skeptical of Biden’s border plan, saying it’s unlikely that it would significantly slow fentanyl trafficking into the U.S.

Debate moderators let whoppers and insults fly

At the start of the debate, CNN's Jake Tapper described how he and co-moderator Dana Bash would be approaching their roles: “Our job is to facilitate a debate between the two candidates tonight,” he said.

Throughout the debate, Bash and Tapper mainly opted not to follow up or fact-check, sticking to the allotted times and often moving on to another topic. Biden struggled with this format, while Trump often filled his speaking time with wide-ranging comments and accusations that were unrelated to the question he had been asked.

Whoppers and insults were often followed with a pause of the mics being cut and a “thank you, next question.”

Finally, 90 minutes into the debate, Bash followed up three times when Trump failed to answer a question about whether he would accept the results of the election in November, something he refused to do four years ago. Trump never did fully commit to accepting the 2024 election results.

Heading into the debate, CNN political director David Chalian told AP that fact-checking wasn’t the role of the moderators.

“They are not here to participate in this debate,” Chalian said. “They are here to facilitate a debate between Trump and Biden.”

The debate is done, but NPR's coverage is not

The debate is over, after much anticipation and 90 minutes of back and forth.

But our coverage is still going strong. Tune into NPR — online, on your local station or on the NPR app — for analysis from our political reporters until 11 p.m. ET. Click here to listen .

Trump says he'd be enjoying himself if Biden 'was a great president'

Towards the end of the debate, Trump suggested multiple times that he didn't necessarily want to be onstage — or in the presidential race at all.

Instead of answering the first (of three) questions about whether he would accept the election results regardless of the winner, Trump at one point returned to the topic of Biden.

"I'll tell you something, I wish he was a great president, because I wouldn't be here right now," he said. "I'd be at one of my many places, enjoying myself. I wouldn't be under indictment because I wouldn't have been his political ... opponent, because he indicted me, because I was his opponent."

He continued along those lines, adding at one point, "I would rather have that I wouldn't be here. I don't mind being here. The only reason I'm here is he's so bad at president."

Several minutes later, Trump — still dodging the election question — doubled down on that point.

"I wasn't really going to run until I saw the horrible job he did. He's destroying our country," he said. "I would be very happy to be someplace else, in a nice location."

Debate briefly derailed by golf as candidates spar over age

Age is one of the biggest issues in this campaign, with the oldest-ever president (Biden, 81) squaring off against the second-oldest (Trump, 78.)

Asked about his age, Trump bragged that he passed two cognitive tests and had recently won golf tournaments.

"To do that, you have to be quite smart, and you have to be able to hit the ball a long way," he said. Trump claimed that Biden "can't hit a ball 50 yards."

Biden quickly replied, "Take a look at what he is," a dig at Trump's weight and appearance.

Biden said he'd be willing to play golf against Trump, and bragged about the impressive golf handicap he had when he was vice president.

"I'd be happy to have a driving contest with him," Biden said.

Trump avoids committing to accepting the election results

Addressing one of voters' primary concerns about Trump, Bash asked him to pledge tonight "that once all legal challenges have been exhausted, that you will accept the results of this election, regardless of who wins, and you will say right now that political violence in any form is unacceptable?"

Trump didn't exactly do so.

"Well, I shouldn't have to say that," he said. "But of course, I believe that it's totally unacceptable. And if you would see my statements that I made on Twitter at the time, and also my statement that I made in the Rose Garden, you would say it's one of the strongest statements you've ever seen, in addition to the speech I made in front of, I believe, the largest crowd I've ever spoken to."

Trump then went on a tangent about Jan. 6 and foreign policy, before Bash returned with a follow up: Would he accept the election results regardless of the winner?

"Just to finish what I said, If I might, Russia, they took a lot of land from Bush," Trump answered. "They took a lot of land from Obama and Biden. They took no land, nothing from Trump, nothing."

Bash tried a third time: "The question was, will you accept the results of the election, regardless of who wins? Yes or No."

Trump answered with remarks similar to those he made on the debate stage in 2020 — before he was charged with working to overturn the election results and trying to stop the peaceful transfer of power.

"If it's a fair and legal and good election, absolutely," he said. "I would have much rather accepted these, but the fraud and everything else was ridiculous, and if you want, we'll have a news conference on it in a week, or we'll have another one of these on in a week. But I will absolutely, there's nothing I'd rather do."

What will the candidates do to slow the climate crisis?

By Ximena Bustillo

Neither candidate had direct answers to how they plan to slow the climate crisis in their second terms.

Trump boasted having the “best environmental numbers ever,” after at first avoiding the question. But Trump has a history of casting doubt on the scientific consensus that burning fossil fuels is the main cause of climate change.

“I want absolutely immaculate clean water, and I want absolutely clean air. And we had it,” Trump said. Still, Trump has campaigned on the promise to “drill, baby, drill” and ending various energy efficiency and rescinding foreign and domestic climate policies .

Biden used the question to boast about passing the “most extensive climate change legislation in history,” referencing the Inflation Reduction Act — which Trump and various Republicans have vowed to repeal — and criticizing Trump for pulling the U.S. out of the Paris Climate Accord, a decision Trump still stands by.

Biden directly addresses concerns about his age

When asked about voters' concerns about his age, Biden — who would be 86 at the end of his second term — said he spent half his career as the "youngest person in politics."

Biden was 29 when he was first elected to the U.S. Senate in 1972, making him the seventh-youngest person ever elected to be senator. "Now I'm the oldest," Biden said.

"This guy's three years younger and a lot less competent," Biden added.

One more commercial break and then it's almost over

We're now in the final commercial break, with minutes left in the debate.

Trump denies his Charlottesville, Va., comments 

About 40 minutes into the debate, Biden reiterated that he decided to run for president in 2020 in part because of former Trump’s response to the deadly violence at the 2017 white supremacist rally in Charlottesville.

Trump said at the time that there were “very fine people on both sides,” and Biden has likened that comment to Trump siding with white supremacists.

"What American president would ever say, Nazis coming out of fields, carrying torches, singing the same antisemitic bile, carrying swastikas, are fine people?" Biden said during the debate.

Trump, in response, argued that Biden "made up the Charlottesville story.”

Though Trump did not link the “fine people” to white supremacists, he did, in fact, say the statement.

Below is a quote from Trump’s press conference after the rally and subsequent violence between demonstrators and counter-protesters.

TRUMP: You had some very bad people in that group. But you also had people that were very fine people on both sides. You had people in that group, excuse me, excuse me, I saw the same pictures as you did. You had people in that group that were there to protest the taking down of, to them, a very, very important statue and the renaming of a park, from Robert E. Lee to another name.

Trump attacks Biden for not 'draining the swamp'

Trump claimed that Biden has not fired “enough” people as president, bragging about his own layered history of firing senior officials while as president.

Trump is notorious for running on the catchphrase of “draining the swamp” in 2016, which refers to the idea that Washington is inherently corrupt . Trump fired many officials during his time as president, such as terminating former Secretary of Defense Mark Esper and former Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Vindman, who served on the National Security Council.

Trump also said that Biden “hasn’t fired anybody,” which is false. Biden fired former Architect of the Capitol J. Brett Blanton after bipartisan criticism that Blanton wasted taxpayer money, among other complaints.

Who are you calling the worst president in history?

Each candidate has now called the other "the worst president in history."

Trump has made the claim twice, both in the context of Biden's stance on immigration. Biden fired back later, saying "159 presidential scholars voted him the worst president in the history of United States of America."

He was mostly right, off by just a few numbers: As NPR reported back in February , 154 historians and presidential experts ranked Trump dead last of all U.S. presidents.

The 2024 edition of the Presidential Greatness Project Expert Survey has Biden in 14th place, just ahead of Woodrow Wilson and Ronald Reagan. Trump comes in 45th, behind fellow impeachee Andrew Johnson and James Buchanan, the perennial cellar-dweller in such ratings due to his pre-Civil War leadership.

Biden doubled down later, though he said "don't hold me to the exact number."

"They've had meetings, and they voted who was the worst president in American history," he added. "They said he was the worst in all of American history. That's a fact. That's not conjecture."

Trump shot back that "we have other things that they rate him the worst, because what he's done is so bad." Despite his muted mic, Biden can be seen — and heard slightly on Trump's mic — saying "show me."

Trump continued on that he was actually rated "one of the best," and said "if I'm given another four years, I will be the best."

Trump namedrops one VP contender: Tim Scott

While the moderators asked Trump what he would do about climate change, Trump pivoted back to the topic of Black voters and criminal justice to respond to Biden's answer on Black Americans.

In answering the question, Trump commended South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott for implementing opportunity zones in the state as an economic development initiative.

"Tim Scott was incredible. He did a great job. Great senator from South Carolina," Trump said of Scott.

Scott ran for the 2024 Republican nomination before dropping out in January. In recent weeks, he was one of eight people Trump requested financial documents from as he decides who his running mate will be. Scott has ardently supported Trump in his bid for the presidency and made numerous TV appearances to defend Trump's record.

Trump's criminal conviction and alleged affair

Trump was convicted of 34 felony counts — but he still says he did nothing wrong.

In May, Trump became the first former or sitting president to both be tried on criminal charges and to be found guilty. A 12-person New York jury convicted Trump of 34 counts of falsified business records.

Still, Trump has long argued without evidence that the trial, the prosecution and the verdict was politically motivated against him.

“We have a system that was rigged and disgusting. I did nothing wrong,” Trump said during the CNN presidential debate.

In a letter to Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), the Justice Department said it found no emails about the Trump probe between Justice Department leadership and the Manhattan District Attorney’s office who prosecuted him. The letter underscored that the District Attorney’s office is a separate entity from the DOJ.

Biden argued that Trump has also received multiple civil penalties — citing other New York trials Trump has been found liable in. These included when Trump was found liable of sexually assaulting columnist E. Jean Carroll. Biden also accused Trump of having the “morals of an alley cat” for allegedly having an affair with adult film star Stormy Daniels.

Trump denied the alleged affair, which was at the center of the criminal conviction. The falsified business records were the invoices, ledgers and checks used to pay his former lawyer Michael Cohen for originally paying Daniels to keep quiet about the alleged affair as Trump ran for president in 2016.

Here's what recent polling shows about Black voters' preferences

When asked about the climate crisis, Trump swiftly pivoted to other topics: police, criminal justice and Black voter support.

He said he has "the best numbers with them in maybe ever," based on his work in criminal justice and Historically Black Colleges and Universities. And he said the opposite of Biden: "He's lost much of the Black population because he's done a horrible job for Black people."

Black voters were critical to Biden's win in 2020. He has intensified his push to court them in recent months, with signs that support from people of color may be dropping this time around.

A Pew Research Center survey released last month shows early signs of where Black voters stand:

Black voters remain largely aligned with the Democratic Party (83% identify with or lean to the Democrats), and 77% of Black registered voters say they would prefer to vote for Biden over Trump in 2024.

Black voters are simultaneously critical of Trump, with 72% believing he was a poor or terrible president.

Even so, 49% of Black voters ay they would replace both Biden and Trump with different candidates if they had the ability to decide, which Pew notes is similar to the share of all voters who say this.

No, the Southwest border is not open

By Sergio Martínez-Beltrán

Trump has accused Biden of opening the U.S. borders to unauthorized migrants.

“He decided to open up our border, open up our country,” Trump said tonight.

While it is true that under President Biden unauthorized crossings hit an all-time high and, at times, the number of migrants overwhelmed certain border communities, the border is not open.

In fact, the border is arguably more reinforced than ever.

The federal government has added more sections of the U.S. Southern border walls, and there have been more military operations at the border. Biden has also severely restricted asylum claims between ports of entry, blocking most unauthorized migrants from attaining asylum.

The administration has also increased the number of expedited removals.

Biden has tried to work with Congress to overhaul the immigration system, but a majority of Republican lawmakers have not advanced the proposals.

And now back to the action

The first of two commercial breaks has ended. Over the next 30+ minutes we're expecting more questions, answers and closing statements.

It's time for a commercial break

We're now in a commercial break, the first of two planned for the evening. It's not clear when the next one will be, but the debate is slated to end at 10:30 p.m. EST.

Some of the topics covered so far include the economy, immigration, abortion and democracy. Stay tuned for more.

Biden asks Trump to disavow the Proud Boys, again

While talking about democracy and Jan. 6, Biden asked Trump point blank to denounce the Proud Boys — in a flashback to their first presidential debate in 2020 .

At that debate, moderator Chris Wallace asked whether Trump would denounce white supremacists, and Trump asked for a name. Both Wallace and Biden suggested the Proud Boys.

“Proud Boys, stand back and stand by,” Trump said, in what sounded more like a call to action, and quickly became part of the far-right extremist group’s new social media logo .

Biden recalled that moment onstage tonight, as Trump visibly rolled his eyes. Then Biden addressed him directly.

"Will you denounce these guys?" he asked, a few times.

Trump seemed momentarily at a loss for words. The moderators jumped in to change the subject, asking Trump instead about comments he made recently about going after his political opponents.

Trump falsely accuses Biden of orchestrating his prosecutions

By Shannon Bond

Asked about Trump supporters’ attack on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, Trump accused Biden of weaponizing the government to persecute a political opponent.

Trump and his supporters have repeatedly accused Biden of orchestrating his prosecutions.

That includes the false claim that the president was behind Trump’s historic conviction in New York on 34 counts of falsifying business records to influence the outcome of the 2016 presidential election. That case was brought by New York Attorney General Letitia James, who is an official of New York state, not the federal government .

Biden and Trump spar over 'suckers and losers' comment

Biden used a recent trip he made to the Aisne-Marne American Cemetery in France to call Trump a loser.

More than 2,200 Marines who died in the World War I battle at Bellau Wood in France are buried at Aisne-Marne. Trump was supposed to visit the cemetery in 2018, but bailed on the stop when rain prevented him from taking Marine One.

The White House at the time explained that it would have taken too long to motorcade. But it was later reported in the Atlantic and confirmed on the record by Trump’s then chief of staff that he didn’t want to go and described the war dead as “suckers” and “losers.”

Biden recounted this, landing the line: “You're the sucker. You're the loser.” Loser is an insult Biden has increasingly hurled at Trump. Trump said it was a “made up quote” published in a “third rate magazine that’s failing.”

Trump says he'll end the Russia-Ukraine war before he even takes office

Trump, like many Republicans , expressed discontent with how much money the U.S. is spending to support Ukraine defending itself against Russia.

Then he went a step further, saying he would be able to end the war himself.

"I will have that war settled between Putin and Zelenskyy as president-elect before I take office on January 20," Trump said. "I'll have that war settled. People being killed so needlessly, so stupidly, and I will get it settled. And I'll get it settled fast before I take office."

Trump has said before that he would end the conflict, but has not elaborated because, as he's put it, he doesn't want to reveal his hand before negotiations.

Trump blames Biden for enabling foreign wars, which Biden calls 'malarkey'

Trump blamed Biden for the wars in Europe and the Middle East, saying the U.S.' chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 encouraged Russian President Vladimir Putin to invade Russia.

Thirteen U.S. service members and roughly 170 Afghan civilians were killed in the withdrawal, widely considered a low point in Biden's presidency. It was planned and announced by Trump before he left office, and the Biden administration officially blames the " conditions created by [Biden's] predecessor " for how it went.

Trump continued laying into Biden, at one point saying "the whole world is blowing up under him."

"The difference is he never would have invaded Ukraine, never, just like Israel would have never been invaded in a million years by Hamas," Trump said.

Biden, in response, said "I've never heard so much malarkey in my whole life."

Unauthorized crossings hit all-time high under Biden tenure. The numbers have also gone down

Immigration has been a big point of debate tonight for Trump and Biden.

Under President Biden’s tenure, unauthorized crossing hit a record-high. But over the last few months, Biden has implemented a handful of policies aimed at reducing the number of crossings, and asylum claims, at the Southern border.

One June 4, Biden severely restricted asylum, making it really difficult for migrants to successfully claim fear of persecution if turned back to their home countries.

The Biden administration has said that since the policy went into effect, there has been a 40% decrease in unauthorized crossings . But that’s not surprising — historically, these policies deter migrants for a short period of time. Eventually the numbers tend to go up.

Why Biden's voice is so raspy

President Biden’s voice is noticeably hoarse in tonight’s debate — the result of a cold, according to a source who spoke on condition of anonymity.

But a raspy voice is something that has vexed Biden throughout his presidency, particularly at the beginning of remarks, when he often has to clear his throat multiple times.

During his first year in office, Biden’s physician, Dr. Kevin O’Connor did an extensive work-up of what he described as the “increasing frequency and severity of ‘throat clearing’ and coughing during speaking engagements.”

He concluded , in consultation with multiple specialists, that the throat clearing was caused by gastrointestinal reflux.

Trump accuses Biden of opening the Southern border to migrants who commit crimes. Data shows otherwise

Throughout his reelection campaign, Trump has said that Biden has allowed criminals to come into the U.S. without authorization.

“They are killing our citizens at a level that we’ve never seen before,” Trump said tonight.

Republicans have been saying the same, particularly after two Venezuelan immigrants were charged with capital murder for killing a 12-year-old girl.

But data from Northwestern University shows immigrants are less likely to commit crimes than U.S. born people .

The muted mics were a big question heading into the debate. They seem to be working

We're more than 30 minutes into the debate, and both Trump and Biden's mics were muted at least once. Both have visibly talked over their allotted without being heard by the viewing public.

How immigration helps grow the economy

By Scott Horsley

Increased immigration – both legal and illegal – has helped to grow the labor force in recent years, allowing employers to keep adding jobs at a rapid clip without putting too much upward pressure on prices.

Over the last 12 months, for example, the foreign-born workforce has grown by 740,000 while the native-born workforce added just 134,000 people.

Trump jumps from topic to topic in answering question about the economy

Trump delivered an assortment of statements on several issues to the singular question, "Why does Trump believe top earners and corporations should pay even less in taxes than they do now?"

In answering the original question, Trump stated that tax cuts he implemented boosted the economy. But then he pivoted, stating that Biden implemented a COVID-19 vaccine mandate that was highly unpopular. He also alleged that Biden was bringing "illegal immigrants" into the country and that Biden has been weaponizing the electoral process to his own political benefit.

Medication abortions more than half of all abortions in U.S.

By Elissa Nadworny

Medication abortions make up more than half of all abortions in the U.S. Telehealth, where people can get abortion pills by mail, is a big factor in the fact that the number of abortions in the US has gone up nationwide , despite many state bans.

Earlier this month, the U.S. Supreme Court tossed out a challenge to the FDA’s rules for prescribing and dispensing abortion pills .

But lawyers who brought that case say they're working on strategies to bring additional legal challenges.

Biden appears to lose his train of thought

Early in the debate, Biden appeared to lose his train of thought while answering a question about tax cuts.

He accused Trump of implementing tax cuts to benefit the wealthy, and pledged he would fix the tax system by making them pay more. Then he stumbled, paused and trailed off.

"We'd be able to help make sure that all those things we need to do, child care, elder care, making sure that we continue to strengthen our health care system, making sure that we're able to make every single solitary person eligible for what I've been able to do with the COVID, excuse me, with dealing with everything we have to do with look, if we finally beat Medicare," he said.

Critics have often held up Biden's public pauses and gaffes to argue that the 81-year-old is too old for the job. His performance tonight is being closely watched by those eager to jump on his stumbles.

Fact-checking Trump's abortion claims

Trump has accused doctors of executing babies who are born alive after a failed abortion attempt many times.

Federal data suggests that very few U.S. babies are born alive as a result of a failed abortion. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recorded 143 deaths during a 12 year period ending in 2014 involving infants born alive during attempted abortions.

The majority of abortions in the U.S. happen in the first trimester (first 12 weeks of pregnancy). Only about 1.3% take place after 21 weeks, according to the CDC , and many are not viable or may endanger the mother.

Here's how long each candidate has to answer questions

Each candidate has two minutes to answer a question, plus one minute for responses and rebuttals. They may also get an additional minute for clarifications, at the discretion of the moderators.

At the end, each will have two minutes for closing statements. Trump will go last, as determined by a coin flip ahead of time — Biden won and chose his podium placement instead (on the right-hand side) of the viewers.

Biden and Trump disagree about extending 2017 tax cuts

According to the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center , more than half the savings from the 2017 tax cut went to the top 10% of earners, and more than a quarter went to the top 1%.

Large parts of the 2017 tax cut are due to expire next year. Trump has proposed extending all of them, and while also calling for additional, unspecified tax cuts.

Biden has proposed extending the tax cuts for everyone making less than $400,000 a year (97% of the population) while raising taxes on corporations and the wealthy.

Under Biden, the IRS has also beefed up tax enforcement to ensure that wealthier people and businesses pay what they owe. GOP lawmakers have criticized that effort, and it would likely be reversed in a second Trump administration.

First question at the debate: inflation

The debate kicked off with a question about why prices are so high — one of voters' top concerns.

Inflation soared to a four-decade high of 9.1% in 2022, according to the consumer price index. While inflation has since fallen to 3.3%, prices are still climbing faster than most people would like.

The pandemic roiled the economy, tangling supply chains. Government spending in the U.S. under both Biden and Trump also may have contributed, putting more money in people’s pockets and enabling them to keep spending in the face of high prices.

While high prices are a source of frustration for many Americans, the average worker has more buying power today than they did before the pandemic. Since February 2020 (just before the pandemic took hold in the U.S.) consumer prices have risen 21% while average wages have risen 22%.

Many prices were depressed early in the pandemic, however, so the comparison is less flattering if you start the clock when Biden took office. Since early 2021, consumer prices have risen 19% while average wages have risen 16%. Wage gains have been outpacing price increases for the last year, so that gap should eventually close.

The federal debt has grown under both Trump and Biden

The federal debt grew substantially under both Trump and Biden. While the pandemic accounts for much of that red ink, both presidents have overseen large deficits, including periods before and after the pandemic when the economy was in good shape.

According to the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget , the federal debt grew by $7.2 trillion during Trump’s time in office, while another $6 trillion has been added so far on Biden’s watch.

Thanks to rising interest rates, the cost of carrying that debt has soared in recent years. This year, the government will pay an estimated $892 billion in interest on the debt – more than it spends on national defense.

Where the candidates stand on tariffs

Donald Trump raised tariffs sharply while he was in office, and he’s pledged to go further if he returns to the White House. During his first term, Trump imposed tariffs on imported steel and aluminum, washing machines, solar panels and numerous products from China. Many trading partners retaliated, slapping tariffs of their own on U.S. exports. Farmers and manufacturers suffered as a result .

Despite the fallout, Biden has left most of the Trump tariffs in place, while adding his own, additional levies on targeted goods from China such as electric vehicles.

In a second term, Trump has proposed adding a 10% tariff on all imports, with a much higher levy on all Chinese goods. Researchers at the Peterson Institute for International Economics estimate such import taxes would cost the average family $1700 a year .

Biden and Trump are both taking credit for creating jobs. Here are the numbers

Trump had a solid record of job growth during his first three years in office, when employers added 6.6 million jobs.

Unfortunately, those gains and more were wiped out by the pandemic, which briefly drove the unemployment rate up to 14.8%.

Although employment began to rebound by the summer of 2020, there were still 2.7 million fewer jobs when Trump left office than when he entered the White House four years earlier.

The United States has continued to add jobs since then – a whopping 15.6 million jobs since Joe Biden was sworn in as president. The unemployment rate has been at or below 4% for the last two and a half years.

The debate is officially underway

The moderators are onstage, the candidates are behind the lecterns, and the debate is officially underway.

A reminder: It's set to run for 90 minutes, with two commercial breaks. We'll bring you updates and context here on this live blog, and you can also tune into your NPR station (or stream us live on the NPR app) to hear the CNN debate live, followed by analysis from NPR political reporters.

Biden mocks Trump claim that he's on performance-enhancing drugs

President Biden is poking fun at a conspiracy theory that Former President Donald Trump and his allies have been pushing ahead of the debate: that Biden is using performance-enhancing drugs.

In a post on the social media site X in the moments before the debate began, Biden posed with a can of Biden-branded water.

I don't know what they've got in these performance enhancers, but I'm feeling pretty jacked up. Try it yourselves, folks. See you in a bit: https://t.co/vD3mL9slj1 pic.twitter.com/Li4EM9mzve — Joe Biden (@JoeBiden) June 28, 2024

Trump has increasingly turned to the false claim that Biden is using performance-enhancing drugs before events like this debate so that people don't realize how old he is.

A Biden campaign spokesperson said Trump was resorting to "desperate, obviously false lies" to distract from his positions on abortion rights and other issues.

The drugs line has become something of a go-to explanation anytime Biden exceeds the very low bar Trump sets for him.

“Many media outlets on the right suggested stridently that President Biden’s only chance for winning tonight's debate with Donald Trump was for his doctors to inject him with some type of magical chemical concoction that would make him peppy and vigorous,” said Howard Polskin, who monitors conservative media for his newsletter and website TheRighting .

Trump started talking about drug testing after Biden’s State of the Union address earlier this year, saying he was “high as a kite.”

But you can go even further back to September 2020 , before his debates with Biden that fall, to find Trump demanding his opponent take a drug test.

Trump also used the line against Hillary Clinton after a 2016 debate.

Debate prep: Where the candidates stand on foreign policy

When it comes to foreign policy, a lot has changed since Trump and Biden last took the debate stage — and there's a lot on the table for them to discuss tonight.

Morning Edition spoke with NPR White House correspondents Franco Ordoñez and Asma Khalid about some of the hot-button global issues that could come up tonight, and what viewers should keep in mind going into the debate.

Trump argues that the world is a more dangerous place since he was in office. He says Biden allowed Russia to attack Ukraine, and blames him for Hamas' Oct. 7 attack on Israel.

Trump also blames Biden for the chaotic withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan in August 2021, in which 13 U.S. service members and some 170 Afghan civilians were killed — even though that was a plan Trump himself put in motion.

That was also the moment when Biden's approval rating "first began to dip underwater," Khalid notes.

"I think that's worth keeping in mind because Biden really came into office as the adult in the room — the man who could provide stability, both here at home, globally, after some of the more chaotic moments under the Trump presidency," she adds.

Can Biden still make the case for himself as the adult in the room?

Biden has helped defend Ukraine — and by extension, Europe — without committing any U.S. troops on the ground, and worked to strengthen NATO and rebuild alliances in the continent that were broken under Trump.

"There's no question that Europe sees the United States as being more dependable," Ordoñez says. "That said, what Trump is saying about too much war is resonating with a lot of the American public, and that has been an effective message for him."

Biden's response to the Israel-Hamas war, in particular, has cost him some support — at least during the primary season — among people of color and young voters , who were key to his win in 2020.

Ordoñez says Trump has said in interviews he has a plan to resolve those issues quickly, but can't say what they are because that would "reveal his hand and he wouldn't be able to negotiate once he's in power."

For more context, check out these stories:

• Trump could — and wants to — shake up U.S. foreign policy even more in a second term
• Will the generational divide on support for Israel impact the presidential election?
• How 2 unexpected wars are defining Biden's presidency
• What a second Biden or Trump presidency could mean for American allies and foes

As Trump takes to the stage, his signature style may be muted

By Franco Ordoñez

When President Biden and former President Donald Trump face off Thursday , it will mark the first time a sitting president and a former president have ever debated.

The Trump campaign has been trying to frame this election as a contest between strength and weakness.

Those efforts could be undercut by a new format designed to avoid the chaos that marked their first faceoff.

Trump has given little indication that he plans to play along.

"How should I handle him?" Trump asked supporters this weekend in Philadelphia. "Should I be tough and nasty? ... Or should I be nice and calm and let him speak?"

Their first debate four years ago quickly unraveled into a mess of angry insults and personal attacks as Trump sought to bulldoze over Biden, questioning what he said.

It’s largely because of those interruptions that this debate switches up that format. There will be no audience. And host broadcaster CNN will mute microphones.

The change is largely expected to hurt Trump.

Here's why .

How Trump and Biden were greeted by their supporters in Atlanta

Biden arrived in Atlanta just after 3 p.m. As he made his way downtown, he was greeted by supporters downtown holding "Biden Harris" and " Dark Brandon " signs.

Atlanta, it’s good to be back! I met some incredible supporters who are fired up ahead of tonight’s debate. Let’s finish the job. pic.twitter.com/hGDGtuvnC8 — Joe Biden (@JoeBiden) June 27, 2024

The president then entered a nearby hotel for a closed-door meeting, according to White House pool reporters.

Trump landed in Atlanta a few hours later, around 5:30 p.m. Georgia Public Broadcasting reports that he "descended the stairs alone and waved to supporters without speaking and got into his awaiting vehicle."

GPB reports that around 7 p.m., Trump supporters gathered on an overpass in Midtown Atlanta, waving flags and chanting at the cars driving below them on the interstate.

. @realDonaldTrump en route to @CNN Debate in Atlanta, Georgia… pic.twitter.com/HfxKv5B4su — Dan Scavino Jr.🇺🇸🦅 (@DanScavino) June 27, 2024

Follow GPB's debate live blog here .

When and how to watch tonight's debate

The CNN presidential debate starts at 9 p.m. ET and will run for 90 minutes. It will be moderated by CNN’s Jake Tapper and Dana Bash at the network’s studios in Atlanta.

The debate will be available on CNN and the streaming platform Max, formerly known as HBO. Viewers without a cable login can also watch on CNN’s website .

You can follow NPR's live blog for updates during the debate and watch the livestream that CNN is making available to other media organizations. That stream will include CNN's commercials and branding; NPR.org will carry that livestream as a public service.

Plus, tune into your NPR station, our online radio player or the NPR app to catch live radio coverage of the debate starting at 9:00 p.m. ET, followed by analysis from NPR reporters.

5 big questions ahead of the debate

By Domenico Montanaro

Tonight’s debate between President Biden and former President Trump is the first major moment of the general election with only one other debate scheduled. Here are 5 questions to think about ahead of tonight’s debate:

It’s getting old to talk about Biden’s age, but will he show vigor and be on top of the job to reassure voters he is up to the job?

If you watch conservative media, Biden is often described as senile, which has lowered the bar for him at every other major public event, like State of the Union addresses. He’ll have to do it again, but Trump and conservatives have lowered the bar to the point that Biden might only need to step over it. Because of it, Trump has resorted to baselessly alleging that Biden uses performance-enhancing agents. This will likely be the largest single audience of any day in this campaign yet, so Biden having a good, energetic performance would likely do a lot to reassure his base, which he desperately needs. 

Can Trump look like he has a coherent grasp of the issues – or will he be unhinged, as he has in past debates?

Trump has said in recent days that he has been preparing his whole life and doesn’t need to hunker down for a week or two to prepare, which is what Biden has been doing. Often a president is the one who stumbles in the first debate in a reelect, but Trump also may be rusty, considering he chose not to participate in any primary debates. He’s never been a policy wonk, and his conspiracy theories, like about the legitimacy of the 2020 election, are rabbit holes that have turned off swing voters in recent elections.

What issues will the moderators focus on?

Expect inflation, abortion, foreign policy, immigration and Trump’s conduct, including his felony conviction and promise to pardon Jan. 6ers to be a major part of the debate. But what gets more time and focus? Polling shows Trump is currently trusted more on inflation, foreign policy and immigration, but Biden gets higher marks on handling abortion rights, and majorities think the investigations into Trump have been fair – despite his cries of political targeting. And how will the moderators handle fact checking? CNN has indicated it would be leaving that to the candidates.

Who will control the debate?

The moderators? Biden? Trump? Someone will affect the flow and that could show which candidate is more of the alpha. Trump has often run over moderators and candidates in past debates. Will new rules rein him in?

Who will the new rules benefit?

There won’t be a studio audience and candidates will be muted when the other candidate is talking. In theory, that should help Biden get his point across without the rampant interruptions of the 2020 debates when Biden told Trump to “shut up, man.” Or will it have an inverse effect by helping Trump look more sedate? 

Debate prep: What to know about abortion and the election

Earlier today, the Supreme Court ruled 6-3 in favor of temporarily allowing abortions in medical emergencies in the state of Idaho.

The decision shines an even brighter spotlight on the issue of abortion, a key issue for many voters, especially in the two years since the Supreme Court overturned federal abortion protections.

White House correspondents Franco Ordoñez and Asma Khalid appeared on Morning Edition to talk about the candidates' positions on abortion ahead of the CNN presidential debate.

Khalid says the Biden campaign makes two central arguments.

They tie the fall of Roe v. Wade to Trump, saying he hand-picked the three Supreme Court justices who helped overturn that decision. And they argue that Trump would further restrict access to reproductive rights, like IVF and contraception.

"I was out covering Kamala Harris, the vice president, at a campaign rally in Maryland this week," Khalid adds. "She said explicitly that Donald Trump, if he gets the chance, would sign a national ban on abortion that could outlaw abortion in every single state in the country."

Trump, for his part, insists he wants to keep the issue of abortion with states.

"This is an issue that Trump does not really want to talk about," Ordoñez says. "I mean, this is an issue that's been very difficult for him and very difficult for Republicans. He knows, politically, that extremely well."

At the same time, Biden and the Democrats broadly see abortion as one of their biggest strengths. Abortion has been a winning issue for the party since 2022.

"The question here is whether Biden on the debate stage can connect himself directly to that issue," Khalid adds. "So does it mean that voters who support abortion will also come out and support the Democratic candidate for president?"

Check out these stories for more:

• 6 key facts about abortion laws and the 2024 election
• As abortion looks like a key issue in 2024, voters more divided by party than ever
• How political stances on abortion have shifted — for Biden, Trump and voters
• Trump's anti-abortion stance helped him win in 2016. Will it hurt him in 2024?
• Most Americans say criminalizing abortion is wrong — and are divided on deportation

Biden hopes to draw a contrast with Trump in 3 main areas

By Asma Khalid

President Biden has said that his aim with the debate is to draw a contrast with Donald Trump.

“Say what I think. Let him say what he thinks,” Biden told ABC News anchor David Muir in a recent interview. “Remind people what he says, and what I believe and what he believes.”

A Biden campaign official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss debate plans, said the president will be focused on drawing distinctions with Trump in three main areas of focus for his campaign:

• Abortion — the campaign has sought to  pin the blame for the loss of abortion rights  on Trump, who named conservative justices to the Supreme Court, which overturned  Roe v. Wade  two years ago.
• Democracy — Biden has argued Trump is a threat to democracy, focusing on the Jan. 6 riot of Trump supporters at the Capitol, where lawmakers were formalizing the 2020 election results.
• Economy — Biden wants to raise taxes on billionaires, and says his opponent would give tax breaks to the wealthy and corporations.

Read more here on Biden's debate prep.

Debate prep: What the economy has — and could — look like under Biden and Trump

One of the topics likely to get a lot of attention tonight is the economy, a consistently key concern for many voters.

Morning Edition 's Steve Inskeep spoke this week with economic correspondent Scott Horsley and political correspondent Danielle Kurtzleben to get a sense of what the candidates might say — and what viewers should keep in mind.

Horsley puts it this way:

"Presidents always get more credit and blame for economic conditions than they should. But Trump had a pretty good track record during his first three years in office. His trade war did some damage. Exports suffered, but the economy did add 6.6 million jobs in those three years. Of course, then the pandemic hit, unemployment soared, and Trump was the first president since Herbert Hoover to leave office with fewer jobs in the country than when he came in."

"Now, under Biden, the economy's added more than 15 million jobs. Unemployment's been at or below 4% for the last two and a half years. It's a record that would be the envy of almost any president. But of course, it's been marred by high inflation."

Inflation hit a four-decade high of 9.1% in 2022 and has since come down by some two-thirds, though people still feel squeezed by the prices of everyday goods, especially groceries .

Kurtzleben says that high inflation helps explain the steady stream of polls showing Americans' negative economic outlook — including the most recent NPR/PBS News/Marist poll that shows a majority of Americans saying Trump (54%) would tackle the economy better than Biden (45%).

"The curious thing is, Trump kind of gets a pass on pandemic job losses because voters say, hey, he didn't cause the pandemic," Horsley adds. "Voters don't give Biden the same kind of pass on inflation, even though it's also at least partly the byproduct of the pandemic and the war in Ukraine."

So how would another Trump or Biden presidency change things?

As far as Trump:

• Horsley says some of his proposed economic policies would "probably make inflation worse," like the blanket 10% tariff and mass deportations he's called for while campaigning.
• Trump is also regularly calling to "drill, baby drill" — increase U.S. oil and gas production to lower their costs, but Kurtzleben says it's not clear that would work.
• Many of the Trump-era 2017 tax cuts are set to expire at the end of 2025. Trump wants to extend them for everyone and cut taxes even further.

As far as Biden:

• Biden has made systematic proposals for saving ordinary people money, as Kurtzleben puts it, like cutting insulin prices for seniors and eliminating " junk fees ."
• Biden wants to extend the 2017 tax cuts for people earning under $400,000 while raising taxes on corporations and the wealthy.

Here's some more background reading to whet your appetite:

• Four 'American Indicators' share their view of the U.S. economy — and their politics
• Biden has taken more action on climate than any president. His pitch? It creates jobs
• As the election nears, an analysis of Donald Trump’s economic proposals
• What Would The Economy Look Like If Donald Trump Gets A Second Term?
• Voters in this 'boomerang' county say they're nostalgic for the Trump economy
• Biden touts economic 'comeback' in election-year pitch to skeptical voters

Why did Biden and Trump break up with the group that plans debates?

For more than three decades, the nonpartisan Commission on Presidential Debates (CPD) ran the debate process, scheduling the events and setting the ground rules.

But not this year. President Biden and former President Donald Trump parted ways with the CPD this spring.

Both campaigns complained the CPD was planning debates for too late in the season, well after many Americans vote in early voting.

Biden campaign chair Jen O’Malley Dillon also pushed for a simplified format, with no live audience and muted microphones unless candidates are directed to speak –- choices she said allow voters to focus on the subject matter. The CPD typically holds debates at a college or university in front of a packed crowd.

“The Commission’s model of building huge spectacles with large audiences at great expense simply isn’t necessary or conducive to good debates,” O’Malley Dillon wrote to the CPD.

The Trump campaign agreed to the switch in rules. Leading up to the decision to debate on CNN, Trump had vowed to faceoff against Biden "anytime, anywhere, anyplace."

There have also been feuds with CPD in the past. Both campaigns criticized the CPD’s handling of the 2020 debates. Plus, in the spring of 2022, the Republican National Committee announced it would be leaving the CPD, accusing the organization of bias .

In an  interview with NPR , Frank Fahrenkopf, the co-chair of the commission, said that it was created as a neutral body "to avoid the haggling over key issues like the number of debates, schedule, format and moderators," he said. "The debates belong to the American public, not to the campaign or the parties."

RFK Jr. didn't make the debate stage, but plans to participate in his own way

By Stephen Fowler

Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s longshot presidential bid has hit several roadblocks in recent days: After not hitting polling thresholds and not being on enough state ballots, he will not be on this week’s presidential debate stage .

The latest fundraising reports show the campaign does not have much money in the bank, but Kennedy’s campaign manager and daughter-in-law Amaryllis Fox Kennedy is not worried about the prospects for the future of the campaign.

In an interview with NPR’s Morning Edition, she insists there will be a “three-way debate” Thursday, falsely claiming that the independent presidential candidate met the criteria published by CNN to appear on the debate stage alongside President Biden and former President Donald Trump.

Later Tuesday afternoon, the campaign announced "The Real Debate" counter-programming, in which Kennedy will "answer the same debate questions live" on a website and streaming on the X social media site.

"I'm going to be on that debate stage with or without their permission," RFK said in a video.

When asked what Kennedy would do on Thursday instead of attending the debate, his campaign manager teased the debate counter-programming announced Tuesday.

“Well, look, I think that the American people want leaders who believe in their ability to make up their own mind, and one way or another, there will be a three-way debate on Thursday,” Amaryllis Fox Kennedy said.

Read more here about the debate qualifications and ensuing drama.

This debate will be different from those in the past. Here are the new rules

Typically, presidential debates occur in front of a live audience, often in an event space on a college or university campus, and are coordinated by the bipartisan Commission on Presidential Debates (CPD.)

But not this year. Both candidates have said they will not participate in the CPD’s previously scheduled and announced debates, lobbying for earlier matchups .

Instead, Biden and Trump will take part in Thursday’s debate on CNN and then a second in September hosted by ABC News.

Biden and Trump have agreed to the following rules :

• Microphones will be muted unless a candidate is directed to speak.
• Candidates are not allowed to bring prewritten notes or props. They will receive a pen and paper and a bottle of water.
• A coin toss determined podium positions and the order of closing statements. According to CNN, Biden’s campaign won the coin toss and chose the podium to the viewers' right. As a result, the Trump team chose to deliver the final closing statement of the evening.

Frat boys and RFK supporters are partying near the debate site

ATLANTA — The debate is being held in CNN's Techwood Studios in midtown Atlanta.

Much of the surrounding area is closed and Atlanta's notoriously bad traffic was a little worse as the two presidential candidates arrived. The studio is adjacent to the campus of Georgia Tech, with the school's basketball arena serving as spin room and media work area for hundreds of reporters.

Even inside the security perimeter, life goes on. Supporters of Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. — who did not qualify for the debate — put up a lemonade stand, while nearby, fraternity members engaged in a little day drinking.

Happy presidential debate day. Most of midtown ATL is locked down as Biden and Trump arrive, but the men of Georgia Tech’s Kappa Sigma chapter darty on undeterred. They’re near the media rideshare drop off, as what appears to be RFK supporters have a setup as well. pic.twitter.com/vP5Vi9mLXi — stephen fowler (@stphnfwlr) June 27, 2024

The debate will be a politics-themed social event at these D.C. bars

Food and drink establishments across the nation's capital are gearing up for a night of watch parties, four years after the height of the COVID-19 pandemic forced people to tune in from home.

Mexican restaurant Johnny Pistolas will hold a watch party with aptly named $10 drink specials: the Filibuster Buzz, the Bipartisan Breeze and Swing State Sangria.

At Union Pub in Capitol Hill, attendees can partake in a "red vs blue" drink poll: They can order a vodka-based drink with either red grenadine or blue curacao. The most popular one wins.

"Yes, there will be a drinking game companion!" it wrote on Instagram.

Elsewhere, Shaw's Tavern plans to air the debate inside and on the patio, with half-priced bottles of wine available all night.

The restaurant and bookstore chain Busboys and Poets will hold parties at all of its locations to watch the debate and celebrate the release of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange .

It says the event is free and open to all, and co-hosted by Make All Votes Count DC , a local group promoting a ranked choice voting ballot initiative.

"This event is your chance to engage in thought-provoking discussions, soak in the intensity of the debate, and be a part of history in the making," the chain advertises on its website.

Other local watering holes are offering happy hour pricing and drink specials, as The Hill , the Washingtonian and Washington Post report.

Biden's debate prep involved catching up on Trump's recent remarks

Last Thursday, President Biden arrived at the presidential retreat in the woods of Maryland, known as Camp David , to prepare for the debate.

It’s a secluded site other recent presidents have also used to get ready during their reelection campaigns.

“Biden’s a really big homework guy,” said Jim Messina, who ran former President Barack Obama’s reelection bid in 2012.

But one big challenge for Biden is that he has had less time to do the homework than he did four years ago.

This month alone, he has made two diplomatic trips to Europe, for the G7 summit and for the anniversary of D-Day. And his family has been focused on the trial and conviction of his son Hunter Biden on gun charges.

Biden prepared for the debate in part by catching up on what Trump has been saying in his rallies and interviews — events that Biden has been too busy to watch in real time, a second person involved in debate planning told NPR, also speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss strategy.

Read the full story here .

Georgia, where the debate is happening, could decide the election

By Sam Gringlas

Just under 12,000 votes separated Joe Biden and Donald Trump when they last appeared on the ballot in Georgia.

Four years later, the rivals are sharing the debate stage in Atlanta as they fight for the slice of Georgia voters who could swing the presidential election.

Some of those voters with outsize influence live in Alpharetta, a suburb of Atlanta where new subdivisions keep sprouting and have helped turn this formerly Republican stronghold purple.

Reading a novel on a lounge chair in the sun at Alpharetta’s Wills Park Pool, Kerry Webster is the kind of voter Biden and Trump need to persuade.

Webster says she is unhappy with her choices for president. And though she voted for Trump in 2020, he has since been convicted on 34 felony counts and faces more charges, including in Georgia.

A grand jury indicted Trump just a few miles from the debate stage on charges that he attempted to overturn Georgia's 2020 presidential election result.

"He's a conniver. He's not really a good person — he's really not," Webster said. "But the economy was better, and Biden, I don't know if he does a lot for us, hate to say."

But Webster does not plan to watch Thursday's debate. Despite living in a state and a suburban community that helped decide the presidency in 2020, she says she feels unmotivated about her options and has wondered whether her vote matters much.

Prasad and Mansi Vichare are watching their kids splashing nearby as a DJ bumps Taylor Swift on repeat and older kids leap from a tall diving board for prizes. The Vichares identify as political independents. And though they plan to vote, they think debates are mostly a useless exercise.

"To be honest, they're a waste, but that's just my opinion," Prasad said. "I'm indifferent," added Mansi, who believes the candidates just tell people what they think they want to hear. "I feel like it's somewhat fake, and so I don't know if it's really that helpful."

Read more here about what the Biden and Trump camps are doing to try to win over Georgia voters.

A Trump will be spinning for Biden tonight

Campaigns bring people into their debate “spin rooms” to send a signal about who their candidates have in their corners.

Tonight, President Biden’s campaign will have Mary Trump, the former president’s outspoken niece, on hand in Atlanta to offer her analysis to reporters there.

A psychologist by training, Mary Trump wrote a book , published in 2020, that aired her family’s dirty laundry. Now the Biden campaign is giving her a big platform to share her concerns about her uncle.

“For my whole life I have witnessed my uncle’s narcissism and cruelty,” said Mary Trump in a statement released by the campaign. "His sense of inferiority has always driven his jealousy and his pathological need to dominate others and this is information that is crucially important for the American people to have in advance of the most important election of our lifetimes.”

Trump is no stranger to inviting splashy guests to debate spin rooms. In 2016, immediately following the release of the Access Hollywood video , he attempted to create a distraction by inviting women who had accused former president Bill Clinton of sexual assault.

Tonight, there’s widespread speculation that Trump’s spin room operation may also be the ultimate vice presidential audition , as he's said his pick for a running mate will be there.

There are no reporters in the room. That's a break with precedent

There will be plenty of cameras in the debate room tonight, but in a break with precedent, no independent reporters will be there to bear witness.

Going back decades, a pool of 13 journalists travel with the president wherever he goes, and have eyes on him whenever he is in public. It includes a television crew, print and wire reporters and photographers, and a radio reporter.

The White House Correspondents’ Association (WHCA) spent weeks advocating for the pool to be allowed into the CNN studio where the debate is happening. CNN and the campaigns agreed to allow still photographers in. But as for the rest of the pool, CNN ultimately decided to only permit a single print reporter to enter “during a commercial break to briefly observe the setting," the WHCA said in a statement.

WHCA respectfully requests that CNN grant access to the WH print pool reporter for the duration of the debate. Access matters. Independent observation matters. Precedent matters. pic.twitter.com/wNxf8du4t1 — Kelly O'Donnell (@KellyO) June 27, 2024

However, while the two men are actually debating, the print pool reporter won’t be there to note off-camera or off-mic interactions for the rest of the press corps.

“We don’t know how this will play out in real time,” said WHCA president Kelly O’Donnell, noting that there is no audience and that CNN will mute the candidates’ microphones when it isn’t their turn to speak.

COVID tests and crosstalk: What happened the last time Trump and Biden debated

Biden and Trump are set to go one-on-one on the debate stage Thursday for the first time in four years.

It's likely to be a memorable night if 2020 is any indication. Here’s a look at what happened last time the two took the stage together.

Trump derailed the first debate

The first round of debates in September 2020 was, by many accounts, a disaster. NPR’s Domenico Montanaro called it “maybe the worst presidential debate in American history.”

Trump arrived on the debate stage trailing in the polls and, apparently, jonesing for drama. He interrupted Biden constantly, peppering him with questions and personal slights despite moderator Chris Wallace’s pleas for order.

Biden tried to ignore Trump talking over him throughout — but called him a “clown” more than once. At one point he had clearly had enough.

“Will you shut up, man?” he said exasperatedly, as Trump continued accusing him of wanting to pack the Supreme Court. “This is so unpresidential.”

Trump even bulldozed over Wallace, prompting the then-Fox News anchor to declare, “Mr. President, I am the moderator of this debate and I would like you to let me ask my question and then you can answer.”

Still, a few substantive moments stood out amidst the chaos and crosstalk. When asked to disavow white supremacist groups, Trump told the Proud Boys to "stand back and stand by,” and he refused to commit to urging his supporters to stay peaceful during the counting of votes.

The second debate was scrapped over COVID concerns

Their next debate, scheduled for Oct. 15 in Miami, was scrapped altogether due to disagreement between the campaigns and the Commission on Presidential Debates over COVID-19 protocols .

Trump refused to debate virtually after he was diagnosed with the virus himself.

At the time, questions were mounting about whether Trump had taken a test — and gotten a positive result — before his first debate with Biden. It later became apparent that he had.

On Oct. 8, the commission announced it would shift to a virtual debate due to health and safety concerns. Trump’s team countered that he would be cleared for public events by then, saying there was “ no medical reason ” why the debate couldn’t be held in person.

Trump ultimately pulled out of the virtual debate, calling it “a waste of time.”

Each candidate ended up holding individual town halls — Trump on NBC News, Biden on ABC News — on Oct. 15, both airing at the same time.

The final debate was a little less dramatic

Trump and Biden returned to the debate stage in Nashville on Oct. 22, less than two weeks from Election Day.

By that point, more than 40 million Americans had already cast their votes by mail, Biden held a 10-point lead in an average of national polls, and only a small sliver of voters appeared willing to be persuaded .

The debate proved much less dramatic than the first round, partly due to new rules that kept each candidate’s microphone muted during the first two minutes of their opponent’s speaking time, and the no-nonsense approach of moderator Kristen Welker of NBC News.

Montanaro wrote, “Even Biden appeared bored, and near the end of the debate checked his watch.”

Both candidates were relatively restrained when talking about issues — COVID, healthcare and the economy dominated the conversation — though things got more personal as the night went on.

Read the full recap here .

Trump hasn't announced who it is, but says his VP pick will be in attendance

Trump has been hinting for months that he knows who his running mate will be, fueling speculation and (ever-shrinking) shortlists.

The former president even told NBC News over the weekend that the person he has in mind will "most likely" be in attendance, although there will be no studio audience.

"They’ll be there,” he said. “I think we have a lot of people coming.”

Trump has previously said he'll announce his VP pick during the Republican National Convention in mid-July.

Some of the top contenders, as NPR has reported , include South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem, New York Rep. Elise Stefanik, Ohio Sen. JD Vance and Florida Sen. Marco Rubio. Other possible picks include some of Trump's former primary rivals, like South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott and North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum.

Many of those elected officials have made the cable TV rounds in recent weeks to sing Trump's praises.

It's a fitting form of vetting for a presidential candidate who rose to fame in part as the host of a reality show competition — and for a VP who will likely get a lot of airtime.

The stakes for the VP slot are high, especially since Trump has been the de-facto Republican nominee since the race started. His second-in-command will shape the future of the MAGA movement and potentially woo harder-to-reach voting blocs, like moderates.

Choosing a vice president generally comes down to strategy. NPR's Ron Elving says Trump's likely priorities should be doing no harm, followed by creating some form of unity in the Republican Party.

"Trump doesn't need any more controversy," Elving adds. "He doesn't need anybody who carries any baggage of his own or her own."

Read more from Elving about the stakes of VP selection over the decades — and how Trump is putting his spin on a familiar storyline.

Who's watching this debate anyway? Recent polling holds some clues

If you're planning on watching tonight's debate, you're not alone.

A NPR/PBS News/Marist National Poll released last week found that a majority of Americans — 61% — plan to watch most or all of the debate.

Another 24% say they will not be watching the debate, but plan to pay close attention to the news coverage of it. If that's you, hi and thanks for being here!

A smaller sliver, 14%, have no plans to watch or pay attention to the debate.

The survey found that independents (56%) are less likely than Republicans (70%) or Democrats (67%) to tune in.

And that's notable, since independents could play a major role in deciding the election. The Marist poll has Biden and Trump tied evenly at 49% among registered voters nationwide.

Who will be on stage?

Biden and Trump are the only presidential candidates who qualified for the debate stage.

Independent candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr. failed to meet the threshold , which required candidates to poll at 15% or higher in four national surveys and appear on enough state ballots that could theoretically push them past the needed 270 Electoral College votes to secure the presidency.

Legal dramas, policy questions and undecided voters: What we're watching for

Candidates will likely speak to recent respective legal dramas.

The debate comes about a month after Trump was found guilty of 34 criminal charges in New York, becoming the first U.S. president in history to be convicted of felony crimes.

On a less historic note, Biden’s son, Hunter, who is not running for office, was convicted on felony gun charges in Delaware in mid-June and faces a second federal trial in September over failing to pay his taxes.

Biden will also likely address concerns over his age and ability to serve a second term. At 81, he is the oldest sitting president in U.S. history, and if elected for a second term, he would exit office at 86.

While the president has had public slipups throughout his first term, Trump, who is 78, has repeatedly criticized Biden’s mental ability , most recently speculating he should take a cognitive test. In that same speech, Trump incorrectly named the doctor who conducted his own cognitive exam while president.

On the issues, the candidates are expected to discuss the state of the economy and immigration policy, as both are consistently top issues for voters in national polling. It’s also possible the candidates will weigh in on international politics, given voters remain divided on whether the U.S. should be sending military aid to Ukraine and Israel in their respective wars.

The debate may also be an opportunity for Biden to address his decreasing support, when compared to 2020, among key parts of his base, notably Blacks , Latinos and young voters .

Trump is losing some ground among older voters, and the Biden campaign is trying to capitalize on that . Plus, the former president may still need to repair relations with Nikki Haley supporters who remain uncertain about backing him again.

Welcome to presidential debate night. Here's how to follow along

Got your popcorn ready?

Tonight's presidential debate kicks off at 9 p.m. ET and will run for 90 minutes. Expect two commercial breaks, no live audience and at least a little tension.

The debate is hosted by CNN at its midtown Atlanta studios, and moderated by Jake Tapper and Dana Bash.

NPR will carry a livestream from CNN here and broadcast it alongside our radio special coverage — with commentary from NPR political journalists — from 9 p.m. to 11 p.m. ET. You can hear that online , on your local NPR station and on the NPR app .

Plus, this blog will be updated regularly with updates, fact-checks, context and color — so keep this tab open and stick with us as the night unfolds.