how write a police report

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How to Write a Police Report

Last Updated: April 13, 2024 Approved

This article was co-authored by Saul Jaeger, MS . Saul Jaeger is a Police Officer and Captain of the Mountain View, California Police Department (MVPD). Saul has over 17 years of experience as a patrol officer, field training officer, traffic officer, detective, hostage negotiator, and as the traffic unit’s sergeant and Public Information Officer for the MVPD. At the MVPD, in addition to commanding the Field Operations Division, Saul has also led the Communications Center (dispatch) and the Crisis Negotiation Team. He earned an MS in Emergency Services Management from the California State University, Long Beach in 2008 and a BS in Administration of Justice from the University of Phoenix in 2006. He also earned a Corporate Innovation LEAD Certificate from the Stanford University Graduate School of Business in 2018. wikiHow marks an article as reader-approved once it receives enough positive feedback. This article received 12 testimonials and 85% of readers who voted found it helpful, earning it our reader-approved status. This article has been viewed 1,142,765 times.

If you're a police officer or security guard, knowing how to write up a detailed and accurate report is important. A well written incident report gives a thorough account of what happened and sticks to the facts. If you're trying to write a police report, or are curious about how the police put together their reports, learning what to include and how to format the report is helpful.

Following Protocol

• Try to do your write-up using word processing software. It will look neater and you'll be able to use spellcheck to polish it when you're finished. If you write your report by hand, print clearly instead of using cursive.

Saul Jaeger, MS

Did You Know? If you call 911, a police report may or may not be generated, depending on the outcome of the call. If a police report isn't generated and you want to file one later, you can call the non-emergency number, and an officer will come out and take the report. However, if you're ever in need of emergency services, call 911.

• If you can’t write the report on the day that the incident happened, record some notes about what happened to help you when you do write the report.

• The time, date and location of the incident (Be specific. Write the exact street address, etc.).
• Your name and ID number
• Names of other officers who were present

• For example, a report might say: On 8/23/10 at approximately 2340, officer was assigned to 17 Dist. response vehicle. Officer was notified via radio by central dispatch of a 911 call at 123 Maple Street. Officer was also informed by central dispatch that this 911 call may be domestic in nature.

Describing What Happened

• For example, an officer's report could say: Upon arrival, I observed a 40 year old white male, known as Johnny Doe, screaming and yelling at a 35 year old white female, known as Jane Doe, in the front lawn of 123 Maple Street. I separated both parties involved and conducted field interviews. I was told by Mr. Johnny that he had come home from work and discovered that dinner was not ready. He then stated that he became upset at his wife Mrs. Jane for not having the dinner ready for him.

• Use specific descriptions. For example, instead of saying "I found him inside and detained him," write something like, "I arrived at 2005 Everest Hill at 12:05. I walked to the house and knocked on the door. I tried the knob and found it to be unlocked..."

• Police officers often have to write reports about auto accidents. It can be much clearer to illustrate with a picture or a diagram how the accident occurred. You can draw a picture of the street and use arrows to show how where each car was headed when they hit each other.

• For example, instead of saying “when I arrived, his face was red,” you could say, “when I arrived, he was yelling, out of breath, his face was red, and he seemed angry.” The second example is better than the first because there are multiple reasons someone’s face is red, not just that they are angry.

• Even though it is hearsay, make sure to write down what each individual at the scene said to you. It may be important, even if he or she is lying. Include any information about the witness’ demeanor, in case what he or she told you becomes controversial.

• Use the party’s name when possible, so you can avoid confusion when talking about multiple people. Also, spell out abbreviations. For example, say “personal vehicle” instead of “P.O.V.” (personally owned vehicle), and “scene of the crime” instead of “code 11,” which is a police term for “on the scene.”

• Preserve your integrity and the institution you represent by telling the truth.

Editing Your Report

• For example, if you forget to include the one party's reason why the argument started, then that would leave a gap.

• For example, if you included phrases that start with "I feel" or "I believe," then you would want to remove these to eliminate any bias in your report.

• If you have to mail or email your report, follow up with a phone call within a 10 day period. Do this to make sure your report was received.

Sample Police Report and Things to Include

Expert Q&A

• Ask your department for any templates or forms that they use, in order to make sure the report is in the proper format. Thanks Helpful 4 Not Helpful 1
• Keep a copy of the report for your records. You may need to refer back to it in the future. Thanks Helpful 4 Not Helpful 1
• Add to the report, if new information comes to light. Add an addendum that reports the new information, rather than deleting information from your original report. That information may also be important. Thanks Helpful 3 Not Helpful 1

• Do not ignore facts as irrelevant. At the time of a preliminary police report, investigators may not know the motive or suspect, so it is important to give as much objective detail as possible. Some details that seem irrelevant, may be important with new evidence or testimony. Thanks Helpful 36 Not Helpful 12
• Do not use opinions in a police report, unless you are asked to do so. A police report should be objective rather than subjective. Thanks Helpful 18 Not Helpful 5

You Might Also Like

• ↑ http://www.lapdonline.org/lapd_manual/
• ↑ http://www.securityguardtraininghq.com/how-to-write-a-detailed-incident-report/

About This Article

To write a police report, you should include the time, date, and location of the incident you're reporting, as well as your name and ID number and any other officers that were present. You should also include a thorough description of the incident, like what brought you to the scene and what happened when you arrived. If you're having trouble explaining something in words, draw a picture or diagram to help. Just remember to be as thorough, specific, and objective as possible. To learn what other important details you should include in a police report, keep reading. Did this summary help you? Yes No

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August 05, 2023

How to Write a Police Report: A Step-by-Step Guide

By  Brian Humenuk ,   MS|CJA,  COPJOT

Updated on August 1, 2023

6-minute read or less

1. Introduction

Reports are a part of policing that over time get fine-tuned as new case law develops and agency policy and procedure changes. Make sure you read to the end of this article where I deep dive into this fine-tuning process that sub-consciously evolves.

As a Field Training Officer, much of my time is spent teaching new officers how to investigate incidents, gather information, and write reports. As a supervisor I look for signs that newer officers have a solid information gathering and report writing foundation laid down and then I assist with getting those skills to the next level. 

Using this article my goal is to help you with:

• Why police report writing is an important aspect of being a cop.
• Step-by-step guide to the several parts of the report narrative.
• Common mistakes and best tips for report writing.
• A bunch of great advice.

Here is my first and one of my best pieces of advice. There is no best report writer. There is however many great report writers.

You should be reading your co-workers reports and taking the best parts of each in order to formulate your report writing skills.

Your agency is probably filled with law enforcement officers who do certain aspects of their jobs well.

Job aspects like information gathering, report writing time management, formatting of names and more. 

Let's wait no further and dive in.  

2. Why is writing police reports important? 

• Documentation is key. As a police officer , you need to document your presence at a call for service in which you take some kind of action. The action you take may be to forward an investigation to another division in the police department, make an arrest, file formal charges, advise parties, document the use of force, etc. 
• Your incident report will be saved in your agency database and may be used for many purposes including a lawful public record request, inquiry into discovery by the defense in a criminal case, subpoena by a law firm for a civil court matter, used to further an investigation, used by Internal Affairs to conduct an inquiry or investigation into a matter.
• Arrest reports contain probable cause which gives you justification for taking action. These reports will be read by a good number of people in the court system. 
• Your report narrative can be used to assist you in preparing to testify in court. The more detailed your report is the better it will assist you with preparing for a potential appearance on the stand.
• The contents of your report can be used to place a suspect in a certain place at a certain time, driving a certain car, and wearing certain clothing. This may assist an investigation that had been active or one that is in the future. 
• How many times have you received a phone call requesting information about a suspect from another law enforcement agency? Old police reports can be valuable to law enforcement agencies seeking information.

3. How to write a Police Report: Step-by-step guide

Police report writing format has its own rules and guidelines compared to that of an essay or research paper. Thus, being a great writer in college doesn’t mean you can become a police officer and start writing excellent narratives.

Although report writing policies and procedures may differ depending on which agency you work for the basic guidelines universally apply just like the police  10 codes .

While on scene interviewing witnesses and suspects and gathering information to write a police report it is prudent to write down all of the information in a good police notebook .

You can find the best police notebooks, custom police notebooks, and write-in-the-rain notebooks at COPJOT Police Notebooks and Pens by clicking here .

Your facts and identifying information are logged here in your notebook and are called police officer field notes . The better your field notes the better material you will have to write a police report.

If you are here trying to find out how to write a better police report you should start by jotting down detailed notes while interviewing victims and witnesses. 

These notes will be used to fill in the blanks later on while typing your report. 

Report narratives are written in first person, past tense, and organized in chronological order as the events occurred.

The Four C’s of Police Report Writing

Before you start typing keep the Four C’s in mind when you write reports. They are:

Clear :  Be as specific as possible. Use your field notes for specific chronological events and exact quotes.

Write as you would be speaking to members of a jury. Use terms like I exited my marked police car instead of I alighted from my cruiser. A jury doesn’t understand police jargon or police slang and you will leave them confused. In other words, use everyday language.

Concise : In as few words as possible give a lot of information. If it doesn’t matter if you arrived in a marked police car or unmarked police car leave it out.

If the report narrative you are writing will not result in formal charges and or there are no use of force issues then there is no need to put in an abundance of information. Keep it simple.

Complete : Your report is a summary of events but it  should include all relevant information.  It cannot be a specific word-for-word story of the events that took place. Relevant information will differ depending on the severity of the incident.

Continue reading and I will get further into detail about what complete may look like in different situations. 

Correct : Your police report “shall” be truthful, unbiased, and without opinion. If you don't make that a priority you may find yourself in a pickle further down the line.

Every police officer should know what the Brady decision is and if you don't or you would like to learn more check out my article " Brady Violations; What they mean for Law Enforcement Officers ".

In a police report, you shouldn’t try and create chicken salad out of chicken shit! This will eventually get you in trouble.

It is very important that if you have probable cause coming in at 60% you don’t write your narrative showing that you have a slam dunk case at 100%. If there are some holes in the case, be truthful about them. Judges, prosecutors, and defense attorneys will respect you for being truthful. 

4. Starting your Police Report Narrative

• Formatting refers to how information is organized and how the report is laid out on the page.  The heading should contain the report date, time, type of event or incident, and officer name. Write it the same way every time so that when you are referencing your old reports you know exactly where to look for the date, time, assignment, location, etc. 
• The body should be written in paragraph form, left-justified, and single-spaced with a double space between paragraphs. 
• Number each paragraph starting with 1. The introduction phase should be in paragraph 1. If you are called to testify in court and need to reference your police report to refresh your memory the prosecutor or defense attorney can easily direct you to the numbered paragraph like this. Officer I call your attention to paragraph #5 sentence 2. Your eyes will be directly able to find this paragraph.

The Introduction phase

The introduction establishes why you are on the scene and includes:

• Day, date, and time - Most agencies use military time
• Who “you” are. Officer Tony Ruth 
• Location or address as to where you were sent.
• Nature of the call or why you were present. 
• If other officers were present, who were they? Write their full names

On Tuesday, February 4, 2023 , I, Officer Tony Ruth , along with Officers Reed Williams and Karyn Tomlinson responded to 123 Main Street for a report of a break and entering to a motor vehicle. 

5. The Body Phase of a Police Report

Continue numbering your paragraphs. The body explains what happened at the scene by answering the 5W’s and H: Who, What, When, Where, Why, and How. All of these should have already been written down while at the scene in your police notebook.

This is where you show your probable cause for arrest and formal charging situations. Be specific about satisfying specific elements of a crime. Sometimes a crime has 3 or 4 elements.

Be descriptive and specific when getting into reasons for entry, stopping and holding, making arrests, and use of force incidents. Write a clear picture and remember your great note-taking will guide you through this phase. 

6. The Conclusion Phase of a Police Report

The conclusion should include the final actions of the reporting officer. The suspect or involved party was arrested/charged with a summons for complaint/parties were advised etc. 

Never put in a final opinion unless it is that of expertise and is accepted by the court.

A good rule of thumb is to end the report with:

R espectfully Submitted,

Officer Tony Ruth

Anytown Police Department

7. Common Mistakes and Best Tips for Writing Better Police Reports

Grammar, spelling, and punctuation errors.

Officers tend to make grammatical errors such as putting periods and commas outside of quotation marks when they should be placed inside the quotation marks. Other mistakes include capitalization, spelling, and punctuation errors.

These errors can be easily picked up on by using spell check, proof reading it, and having a co-worker put a second set of eyes on it. 

Check your work and double check your work

Before sending your report to a supervisor or officer of higher rank you should always double check your work and if a co-worker is available have them proof read it.

Be coachable and open to suggestions especially from experienced police officers. 

Never send a report up the chain for approval that has not been proof read and spell checked. 

Leaving out the results of the investigation

Another common mistake police make in their reporting is leaving out critical details of an investigation, including the results.

Making assumptions is never allowed in police report writing, some officers may write thorough and detailed accounts of their investigation but fail to report the final result.

Not making an effort

Laziness will come back to bite you and sometimes that bite will be a big one.

A good police officer will write reports even when policy and procedure say that you don't have to but the police officer has a feeling that the circumstances surrounding the person, place, or thing investigated say to write a police report.

Factual mistakes

Factual inaccuracies on police reports are more common than you may think.

Police officers may record incorrect times, license plate numbers, driver's license numbers, names, addresses, and other critical details needed in a criminal case.

This can be solved by jotting down the pertinent information of your investigation into the police notebook you carry in the field. If you don't have a good police notebook visit www.COPJOT.com and pick yourself up one.

These custom police notebooks will assist you in professional police field note-taking and take the mistakes out of your report writing.

Incomplete or missing elements of a crime

Each crime has specific elements that must be satisfied if you are to develop sufficient probable cause for an arrest and then prove your case in court. Failing to articulate each element of the crime may also call into question the legality of your actions. The simplest way to avoid this is to obtain a copy of the statute for the crime you are investigating.

Leaving out parties involved in the incident

It is important to gather information on witnesses and other participants even if they are not formally charged.

Master carding other people involved can be important for your police department, whether in this case or a future inquiry. It doesn't hurt to ask people for a phone number where they can be reached. When you enter a person in your report be sure to add the phone number.

Never try and predict the future

Your job is to document and write about the past. If you write about a future prediction and it doesn't come true a good defense attorney will ask you what else about your police report is untrue.

We all make mistakes and so will you

Learn from them and make adjustments. If you have a bad day in court against a great defense attorney, learn from that experience and make the proper adjustments to better your reports and better yourself.

Fine-tune your report writing over time

It may take a few years but you will start to understand where and when you will need to throw that report writing into overdrive.

A simple fraud report with no named suspect will differ from a triple stabbing with a clear suspect, witness statements, and scene video. 

Also over time, you will get to understand which cases tend to get plea deals, which go to trial, and which go to trial that will be defended by a top-notch attorney. 

About the Author

Brian Humenuk   isn't just an entrepreneur in eCommerce, he is also an informed leader whose experience provides followers and visitors with a look into current and past police issues making headlines in the United States.

Brian has earned three degrees in Criminal Justice with the last, a Masters of Science in Criminal Justice Administration.

Brian extends his training, education, and experience to the officers just now getting into the field so that they may become more informed police officers and stay clear of police misconduct and corruption. 

You can find out more about Brian and the COPJOT story on the  ABOUT US  page .

More Information

Are you a Police Officer, Sheriff or State Trooper, Law Enforcement family member or friend check out our   Custom Police Notebooks   and   Metal Police Uniform Pens   here   on our   main website .

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How To Write Better Police Reports

In those cases where force is used—and we are most likely to be sued—we seem to be ashamed to tell the truth and admit that we hit, punched, kicked, bit, scratched, and otherwise got nasty with some miscreant.

In the back of your mind, you know what these administrators are thinking: Our officers did nothing wrong, but we are going to pay you this huge sum of money anyway so you will go away. Never mind the damage it does to our officers' morale, the public's trust in our officers and the agency; what is important is that we don't lose more money because we don't know how to defend against these frivolous lawsuits.

Where does that leave you, the individual officer? Hopefully covered by the settlement, but in reality, what do the people you serve think when they learn about the settlement?

I know you feel disgusted when your agency rolls over like this and pays some nuisance claim. What should disgust you more is that it's likely that one of the reasons your departments and municipalities do not vigorously fight these suits are the reports that were filed by officers detailing what happened during the incidents.

When it doesn't matter, we seem to write reports that people praise and use as examples in law schools and police academies. But in those cases where force is used—and we are most likely to be sued—we seem to be ashamed to tell the truth and admit that we hit, punched, kicked, bit, scratched, and otherwise got nasty with some miscreant. Disregarding that he pulled out a gun or a knife, or wanted to fight anyone in a uniform, there still is a mindset among many administrators and risk manager types that writing out exactly what you did and, more importantly, why you did it, is wrong or not necessary. This is a huge mistake.

It is no longer accepted, if it ever was, in a use-of-force incident report to use phrases like, "I physically subdued the subject." What does this tell the uninformed reader? Your sergeant may know what happened, but what about the prosecuting attorney or defense counsel? Will they know what happened and why?

It may be shorter and even accurate to say you "used physical force," but it does not tell all the facts. Consider the following statement as a way to write a report on a use-of-force incident:

The suspect swung his fists at me. I told him to stop resisting and that he would be sprayed with OC if he did not. He again tried to hit me, and I sprayed him twice with my department-issued OC spray. This caused him to back away, but he still tried to hit me. I again ordered him to, "Stop resisting," but he continued to swing his fists at me, yelling, "Screw off, copper." He again raised his fists and swung at me. I then struck him twice on the left knee with my baton. He fell to the ground, saying, "I give up, I give up." I handcuffed the now compliant suspect and drove him to the General Hospital Emergency Room for evaluation and treatment by Dr. A. Smith. After he was medically cleared, he was booked into county jail without further incident.

This example is much clearer for you and the reader, and it is more detailed. So why don't we take the time and write all of our reports with this much detail? Probably because cops hate paperwork more than anything else, except certain vile criminals, administrative types, and the ACLU .

Own Worst Enemies

Many times, we are our own worst enemies. One thing we do have in our favor is that we can learn from the mistakes of others, with little or no cost to ourselves. Who hasn't heard of some mistake by a department or officer that has become the force of law through an adverse case decision or winced at a judgment brought against a police officer?

More likely than not, if it was a civil trial, the judgment was due to a perception of wrongdoing, rather than actual wrongdoing. If you do not record the details of the event and what precipitated the use of force in your report, it looks like you have something to hide. You did nothing wrong, but now you are facing a jury, months or maybe years after the fact and trying to explain why you did what you did when you did it. How does it look to the jury that you are bringing up facts about the case that were never in your report? Any competent defense lawyer is going to use the lack of detail in your report against you.

Something to remember is that a jury is a group of 12 licensed drivers, all equally fuzzy on the concept of the law, with no experience in the rigors and subtleties of policing. Jurors are generally well meaning citizens, but their information comes from the local news or the latest "police reality" show, not from being students of the criminal justice system or practitioners of law enforcement.

It is incumbent upon you to paint a word picture for the jury and others that will read your reports. You can be the best shot, the fastest runner, an expert at interviewing, and look like a Marine recruiting poster in uniform, but without the ability to write a proper and factual report, it will all be for naught.

Evidence Collection

The same can be said for evidence preservation. The evidence backs up your report and without it, you can be in deep trouble. But for years our evidence collection has been geared toward prosecution and not the defense of a civil suit.

When was the last time an officer who was assaulted had to replace his uniform and equipment? What happened to the torn uniform and broken equipment? Were they discarded or were they kept as evidence? We may have taken some quick photos of the damage, but that's about it. In many departments, only in those dreaded times where an officer has been murdered, are the uniform and equipment worn preserved as evidence.

In the interest of the best evidence available and, frankly, to protect ourselves we need to keep as evidence the torn shirt, ripped pants, scraped leather gear, or broken eyeglasses or sunglasses. But because of tight uniform and equipment budgets, departments try to recycle damaged gear that should be considered evidence.

Think about the money that could be saved in a properly defended lawsuit due to the foresight in booking such evidence. Juries love visual aids. And what better visual aid is there to justify your use of force than your ripped uniform? Such evidence can make a greedy suspect and his lawyer slink away licking their judicial wounds.

Be in the Right

Of course, no amount of report writing or evidence collection is going to help any officer who maliciously or criminally assaults a suspect, regardless of how justified he or she feels in doing so. No matter how much you may want to slam some punk's head into the hood of your patrol car, you have to be a calm professional when no one else can. Unjustified use-of-force cases are thankfully rare, but the perception of the public is that it happens much more often than it really does.

Thanks to cell phone videos, the Internet, and the 24-hour news cycle that plays a supposed excessive force video over and over, the public receives a tainted view of law enforcement use-of-force incidents, poisoning jury pools and sometimes making necessary an out-of-court settlement.

Many times, your report doesn't seem to jibe with the video. What better tool, if it is available, to use to help you write your report? You have your perception of what occurred, and it is a valid perception, but viewing that impartial video can help your recollection and aid you in writing an even more complete and accurate report.

Fighting Back

A properly written and factual report, along with supporting documentation, witness statements, and evidence, are your best defense against a lawsuit. Audio and video are even better. Having all of this documentation and evidence probably won't reduce the number of lawsuits that are initially filed against you or your department, but it may give plaintiff lawyers pause about taking you on if they know how well you document and support your actions in the field.

With the advent of video recorders, both in patrol cars and in everyday life, it is imperative that the reporting officers be as accurate and factual as humanly possible in their reports. That doesn't mean writing longer reports; it means writing smarter reports.

If your reputation is such that prosecuting attorneys and judges have a high regard for your integrity and honesty, your report writing ability, and your courtroom demeanor, then plaintiffs' attorneys won't want to mess with you. If, on the other hand, your reputation is suspect in any way, word will get around and you can bet next month's pay that some lawyer, somewhere, will take on that lawsuit that might be frivolous but still profitable.

Your reputation can shield you, and it can bury you. A decision by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1963's Brady v. Maryland requires any adverse disciplinary information about officers' integrity or honesty to be turned over to the defense by the agency. This decision has caused many California district attorneys to tell chiefs and sheriffs they will not use an officer's reports or testimony if he or she has been disciplined for not being truthful. Do you want to have something like that hanging over your head?

I know of one young former officer who was involved in a use-of-force incident and wrote a report on it. His report was lacking, not due to deception, but rather haste. Another officer had witnessed the use of force and reported it to his sergeant who in turn initiated an investigation after the written report was filed.

The report did not mesh with what was reported by the witness officer and other witnesses. The officer who was involved in the use of force lost his job because the agency believed he had falsified his report. He has applied for other police positions at many different agencies, but not one has given him a second look. This is a good officer who sunk his career through haste and lack of detail in a report. This tragedy could have been avoided if he had reviewed the facts and made sure all known information was included. The information was there; he just failed to gather it and use it, torpedoing his career.

It is a fact of life in law enforcement that force, including deadly force, will have to be used. It is how you apply that force and, just as importantly, how you document it that will reduce the filing of frivolous lawsuits as well as preserve our careers. As with any other officer safety training, surviving a legal challenge to legal and proper actions is worth the time it takes to record and document the events and evidence. Your survival in a civil or criminal trial is only as good as your report.

Make your report writing better and you'll survive any courtroom challenge. Read reports written by fellow officers who have a reputation for being thorough and accurate. Talk with other officers about their experiences. Talk with the prosecuting attorney. Talk with defense attorneys about bad reports they've seen. Take an English refresher course if necessary. If your department doesn't have a good report writing manual, find a department that does and use theirs as a model for your department.

You use that pen, paper, and computer a lot more than you use your OC, baton, or sidearm, and they are just as important to your survival. If you don't practice with the weapons you are issued, when the time comes to use them it could be dangerous to you. The same goes for report writing. Practice, learn, and protect yourself.

Mark Tarte is a retired Livermore, Calif., police sergeant with 25 years of law enforcement experience. He currently runs the criminal justice program at Las Positas College.

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3 simple ways to instantly improve your report writing

Tactics keep you alive, but report writing keeps you out of trouble.

There are three techniques you can do to instantly improve your police report writing, avoid case dismissal and protect yourself as an officer.

Photo/PoliceOne

This article is part of a series, Report Writing for a New Generation: Merging Technology with Traditional Techniques , which covers general police report writing skills along with plain English instruction, professional and technical writing best practices, and how technology is changing the way officers write.

The series is exclusive content for Police1 members. Not a member? Register here. It is free and easy!

Last year, I attended a weeklong regional technical training course tailored for first-line supervisors. The course covered best practices in managing large-scale chaotic scenes and conducting after-action reviews . After the training, I spoke to one of the instructors, a retired LEO, for more information on after-action reports. I was quickly met with an interesting and borderline discouraging comment: “Officer’s don’t care about reports; they care about tactics. Focus on tactics, and someone else will do the after-action report.”

“Officers don’t care about reports; they care about tactics.” Was that statement true?

I returned to work and decided to review my internal training records. I had plenty of advanced defensive tactics, active shooter and mass casualty response training but to my surprise, I had nothing related to law enforcement report writing . My external training records were just as slim – lots of courses on teaching, fraud investigations and accounting, but very few on how to write a better police report.

My colleagues were in the same boat: lots of tactics training with little to no police report writing training.

Tactics keep you alive, but a well-written police report keeps you out of trouble; however, report writing is something most agencies dismiss as an important officer survival skill.

Luckily, there are three techniques you can do to instantly improve your police report writing, avoid case dismissal and protect yourself as an officer. And the best part is that you do not need formal training and it only takes minutes a day.

1. Don’t write when you are tired

OK, I hear you: “I am always tired, so how can I write when I am not tired?”

Police exhaustion is such a major concern for police agencies that Police1 dedicated an entire podcast segment to fighting fatal fatigue in law enforcement . Unfortunately, being tired is part of the career. So, let me rephrase the heading: Write when you are less tired .

Writing while alert is necessary because the police report-writing process is mentally taxing. An officer starts by reviewing their mental and physical notes, then progresses through a series of prewriting, writing, responding, revising, editing and publishing (sending the report to a supervisor for review). When an officer is mentally exhausted or physically tired, this will lead to mistakes. Note I didn’t say, “this may lead to mistakes.” Being tired will lead to mistakes.

Most police agencies make bad report writing worse with write-it-before-you-go-home policies. After a 10+ hour shift, the last thing any officer wants to do is sit down and write a shoplifting or found property report. Of course, some investigations should be written before going home because of due process rights, immediate follow-up, or investigators are still on scene. But most police reports can be held until the officer returns the next day.

Having a small break between shifts gives an officer’s mind time to process the information and organize their thoughts subconsciously. When an officer is alert and their thoughts are organized, they will be prepared to write accurate accounts of what happened.

Time helps the mind process information.

Even if your agency requires same-day reports, there is a little trick to help mitigate mistakes. In these cases, try to write your report directly after the incident but wait two to three hours to proofread it. You will be surprised at how much extra information your brain will naturally find during that short break. If you think of any additional information after you submitted your police report, just write a supplemental report when you get in the next day.

2. Use spelling and grammar checkers

Over the past five years, I have read thousands of police reports from around the United States. Many of these reports are packed full of simple grammar and spelling mistakes that a word processor’s spellcheck would have caught.

I know that many of these agencies, including mine, use Microsoft Word’s spellcheck feature. So why do we continue making basic spelling and grammar mistakes? I decided to do some digging, and each time I read an exceptionally bad report, I called the agency, not to complain or call them out, but to ask questions. I found that most poorly written reports from 2010 to the present day share three traits:

• The officer wrote the report directly in the agency’s records management system (RMS);
• The officer did not configure spellcheck; or,
• The officer wrote in UPPERCASE.

RMS spell checkers are improving, especially in the new AI integrated RMS 3.0 versions. But as of right now, even the most basic version of Microsoft’s Word spellcheck outperforms any RMS spellchecker. Try to write your report in a word processor first, then copy and paste it into your agency’s RMS.

(If you want to learn more about how to set up spellcheck correctly, read the next article in this series, How to set up spellcheck to proofread your police report , available for Police1 members only.)

Writing in uppercase is an unnecessary annoyance. If you are writing in uppercase, please stop. Your boss, your prosecutor and all the agencies reading your report will thank you. Writing in uppercase is an old technique used to correct bad penmanship, but since we are writing in a word processor, all uppercase writing is not needed. Spellcheck also must be configured correctly for it to catch mistakes in uppercase.

3. Read your report aloud

The best advice I ever received in school is to read reports aloud. Even if your spoken grammar is not perfect, reading your report aloud will help you catch many small grammar and sentence mistakes not caught by spellcheck. If a sentence sounds weird, change it. Nine times out of 10, you will be correct.

Just remember, you don’t need to read LOUD, just aloud. Be courteous of those around you by just whispering.

Good report-writing skills protect officers

You don’t have to become a novelist or a professional writer to be a good writer. But you should put a little effort into becoming a better writer than where you are now. These three techniques are simple and easy to apply and more importantly, they work. Good police report-writing skills will not only protect you on the street from overzealous anti-police lawyers but also in the courtroom, internal affairs investigations and school.

Bonus content: How to train your ear to catch writing mistakes

If you spend time training your ear for writing, you will catch even more mistakes. An excellent way to train your ear for good sentence structure and grammar is to read good literature aloud. I recommend “ The Stories of Vladimir Nabokov ” not because it is an enjoyable read but because his sentences are as close to perfect as they come, and he really focuses on the sound of a sentence. Read one page a day aloud. Ignore the content, just listen to the words and sounds. Your mind will automatically notice sentence parallelism, assonance, rhythm and alliteration – all critical features of a good sentence. When you read your police report aloud, your ear will suddenly pick up the smaller mistakes in your writing.

Next: How to set up spellcheck to proofread your police report

A step-by-step guide to configuring Microsoft’s spelling and grammar checker

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Fort Collins police using artificial intelligence to draft police reports: How it works

Fort Collins Police Services is now utilizing artificial intelligence to draft police reports from body camera audio.

Fort Collins police began testing a new AI report-writing program called Draft One, created by Axon — the same company that makes body cameras and Taser stun guns — about three months ago. The AI program became widely available to law enforcement nationwide last month .

Axon says the Draft One program aims to streamline the report process by transcribing the audio from body camera footage and sending that transcript through an AI engine that will create a draft report.

The program has some built-in safeguards, Axon program manager Noah Spitzer-Williams said, including a step in the process where officers have to go through and make changes or additions to the AI-generated report before signing off on it.

“It gives you a really good starting point that you can then modify if you need to,” Fort Collins Police Services Technology Sgt. Robert Younger said. 

Younger said officers using Draft One completed their reports 67% faster than those writing on their own, cutting the time it takes to write these reports down from an average of 27 minutes to 8 minutes and saving the department an estimated 13,000 hours per year.

How does Draft One work?

Draft One is designed to create a first draft of a report for officers based on the transcript from the officer's body camera footage. Here's how Younger said it fits into officers' workflows:

• After an incident or a call, officers upload their body camera footage to Axon's cloud system by either docking the camera or uploading via Wi-Fi. With Draft One, as soon as the video is done recording, the audio from the body camera footage is transmitted to Axon's cloud service using cellular service and is transcribed.
• That transcription is fed over to Axon's AI engine to create a draft narrative of the incident or call.
• The officer is required to review the draft narrative and add information or clarifications in certain sections of the report before signing off on it. Officers can't skip this step and have to review sections flagged by the AI, and they're able to edit any part of the report if needed.
• Finally, officers have to sign off on the report, acknowledging "the officer is the complete owner of this report, they’ve made all the necessary changes, additions, subtractions, so that this is now their report,” Younger said.
• A supervisor reviews the report for accuracy, as does someone from the records division.

Younger said the quality of the rough drafts created by Draft One is "absolutely exquisite." The program puts things in a logical order, makes connections to different things in the audio, and identifies things officers may have forgotten about and includes those details, “but the Axon AI is picking all those details up and including it in a report," Younger said.

Fort Collins police have used different dictation methods to complete reports since at least 1997, when Younger joined the department, he said. Generally, officers would dictate their report to an operator — and more recently, through a program called Dragon Dictation, which is also commonly used by doctors and lawyers — and then review and make edits to that transcript to create their report.

Introducing AI in this process reflects "a progression through technology and time," Younger said.

How is Draft One different from ChatGPT?

Draft One and ChatGPT are under the same umbrella of AI programs, generally referred to as generative AI, and are built on top of the same base program, Open AI, Spitzer-Williams said.

The main difference, Spitzer-Williams said, is that "ChatGPT has a degree of creativity built into it," whereas Axon has told Draft One to have "no creativity, stick to the facts."

It's ChatGPT's creativity function that allows the program to do things like write a rap song about your dog — "it'll probably write a pretty good one, actually," Spitzer-Williams said — or create an itinerary for your upcoming vacation.

But Spitzer-Williams said they've turned the creativity level in Draft One down to zero, telling the program not to make assumptions itself but ask officers to clarify or add information in places where the program notices information is unclear or missing.

“Axon has worked with the AI model to make it so that there are no inferences, no assumptions," Younger said. "If it’s not factually there, it’s not going to make an assumption about it. Instead, it will ask clarifying questions of the officer in this draft report.”

“That’s how we’re able to provide these really high quality, accurate drafts that don’t suffer from the same level of embellishments or hallucinations and such that you would get with ChatGPT,” Spitzer-Williams said. 

How is Fort Collins Police Services using Draft One?

Younger said the department has tested Draft One across all divisions — from traffic operations to school resource officers to more complex violent crimes — and the plan is to roll it out departmentwide in the coming weeks.

While testing the program, Younger said he was having officers create two reports — one using the previous dictation method and one using Draft One — and had them time both methods. He said he found officers are completing reports about 67% faster using Draft One.

Saving time on report writing allows officers to be out in the field more, responding to more calls and being proactive in the community, Younger said.

In general, Younger said most officers have embraced Draft One and supervisors are noticing higher-quality reports. There are some officers who have told Younger they don't want to fully rely on Draft One, but they are still finding parts of the program useful. For example, Younger said one officer doesn't use the full text of the AI-generated draft report, but he does look at that draft to help him decide how to organize his own report.

The program isn't perfect, Younger said. In situations with a lot of background voices or other noises — like for officers working in downtown late on the weekends — the AI has trouble distinguishing which voices are important and can include statements made by people just passing by.

Is there added bias in AI-generated police reports?

Bias was a major concern when Axon began developing Draft One because “we just assume by default that AI will be biased until proven otherwise,” Spitzer-Williams said. 

“At Axon, we look at AI as a last resort to solving any problem because it can potentially bring with it things like biases,” Spitzer-Williams said. “But there are some problems where AI is really your best and only solution, like this one. So, as we evaluate that, we will always have a very keen eye as to whether the benefits to society significantly outweigh any of the costs or risks.”

Open AI, Draft One's base program, has teams of people focused on making sure the models are as least biased as possible, Spitzer-Williams said.

Axon did several of its own experiments to ensure Draft One isn’t adding any bias to reports, Spitzer-Williams said. Here's what he said those experiments looked like:

• Axon had customers share with them real-world incidents to go through the Draft One program to ensure that changing suspect descriptions, including mentions of race, didn’t impact the draft’s accuracy, Spitzer-Williams said.
• Axon programmers plugged in different races in the same incidents and ran them through Draft One again to ensure nothing else in the report was affected by the mention of different races.

In both experiments they found “that there were no statistically significant differences between the quality of the draft and any given race,” Spitzer-Williams said. 

Axon also did a double-blind study with independent evaluators from law enforcement, attorney’s offices and civil rights groups, and asked them to review a set of reports, half of which were created with Draft One and half without the AI program, and then evaluate their quality. 

“What we found across the board, the Draft One reports performed as good or better,” Spitzer-Williams said. “That was the final step in us feeling really good that the product we were going to put out in the market wasn't going to introduce any unfair biases or anything like that.”

Younger said the safeguard requiring officers to go through make changes to the AI-generated report also protects against any potential bias created by the program.

“It's really important to us to make sure that this is really clear and understood that these reports are authored by the officer,” Younger said. “A rough draft is created, but the officer proofreads it, makes the changes and ultimately is the author of that report.”

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What Can Go Wrong When Police Use AI to Write Reports?

Axon—the makers of widely-used police body cameras and tasers (and that also keeps trying to arm drones) —has a new product: AI that will write police reports for officers. Draft One is a generative large language model machine learning system that reportedly takes audio from body-worn cameras and converts it into a narrative police report that police can then edit and submit after an incident. Axon bills this product as the ultimate time-saver for police departments hoping to get officers out from behind their desks. But this technology could present new issues for those who encounter police, and especially those marginalized communities already subject to a disproportionate share of police interactions in the United States.

Responsibility and the Codification of (Intended or Otherwise) Inaccuracies

We’ve seen it before. Grainy and shaky police body-worn camera video in which an arresting officer shouts, “Stop resisting!” This phrase can lead to greater use of force by officers or come with enhanced criminal charges.  Sometimes, these shouts may be justified. But as we’ve seen time and again , the narrative of someone resisting arrest may be a misrepresentation. Integrating AI into narratives of police encounters might make an already complicated system even more ripe for abuse.

If the officer says aloud in a body camera video, “the suspect has a gun” how would that translate into the software’s narrative final product?

The public should be skeptical of a language algorithm's ability to accurately process and distinguish between the wide range of languages, dialects, vernacular, idioms and slang people use. As we've learned from watching content moderation develop online, software may have a passable ability to capture words, but it often struggles with content and meaning . In an often tense setting such as a traffic stop, AI mistaking a metaphorical statement for a literal claim could fundamentally change how a police report is interpreted.

Moreover, as with all so-called artificial intelligence taking over consequential tasks and decision-making, the technology has the power to obscure human agency. Police officers who deliberately speak with mistruths or exaggerations to shape the narrative available in body camera footage now have even more of a veneer of plausible deniability with AI-generated police reports. If police were to be caught in a lie concerning what’s in the report, an officer might be able to say that they did not lie: the AI simply mistranscribed what was happening in the chaotic video.

It’s also unclear how this technology will work in action. If the officer says aloud in a body camera video, “the suspect has a gun” how would that translate into the software’s narrative final product? Would it interpret that by saying “I [the officer] saw the suspect produce a weapon” or “The suspect was armed”? Or would it just report what the officer said: “I [the officer] said aloud that the suspect has a gun”? Interpretation matters, and the differences between them could have catastrophic consequences for defendants in court.

Review, Transparency, and Audits

The issue of review, auditing, and transparency raises a number of questions. Although Draft One allows officers to edit reports, how will it ensure that officers are adequately reviewing for accuracy rather than rubber-stamping the AI-generated version? After all, police have been known to arrest people based on the results of a match by face recognition technology without any followup investigation—contrary to vendors’ insistence that such results should be used as an investigative lead and not a positive identification .

Moreover, if the AI-generated report is incorrect, can we trust police will contradict that version of events if it's in their interest to maintain inaccuracies? On the flip side, might AI report writing go the way of AI-enhanced body cameras ? In other words, if the report consistently produces a narrative from audio that police do not like, will they edit it, scrap it, or discontinue using the software altogether?

And what of external reviewers’ ability to access these reports? Given police departments’ overly intense secrecy, combined with a frequent failure to comply with public records laws, how can the public, or any external agency, be able to independently verify or audit these AI-assisted reports? And how will external reviewers know which portions of the report are generated by AI vs. a human?

Police reports, skewed and biased as they often are, codify the police department’s memory. They reveal not necessarily what happened during a specific incident, but what police imagined to have happened, in good faith or not. Policing, with its legal power to kill, detain, or ultimately deny people’s freedom, is too powerful an institution to outsource its memory-making to technologies in a way that makes officers immune to critique, transparency, or accountability.

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• How Far Trump Would Go

D onald Trump thinks he’s identified a crucial mistake of his first term: He was too nice.

We’ve been talking for more than an hour on April 12 at his fever-dream palace in Palm Beach. Aides lurk around the perimeter of a gilded dining room overlooking the manicured lawn. When one nudges me to wrap up the interview, I bring up the many former Cabinet officials who refuse to endorse Trump this time. Some have publicly warned that he poses a danger to the Republic. Why should voters trust you, I ask, when some of the people who observed you most closely do not?

As always, Trump punches back, denigrating his former top advisers. But beneath the typical torrent of invective, there is a larger lesson he has taken away. “I let them quit because I have a heart. I don’t want to embarrass anybody,” Trump says. “I don’t think I’ll do that again. From now on, I’ll fire.” 

Six months from the 2024 presidential election, Trump is better positioned to win the White House than at any point in either of his previous campaigns. He leads Joe Biden by slim margins in most polls, including in several of the seven swing states likely to determine the outcome. But I had not come to ask about the election, the disgrace that followed the last one, or how he has become the first former—and perhaps future—American President to face a criminal trial . I wanted to know what Trump would do if he wins a second term, to hear his vision for the nation, in his own words.

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What emerged in two interviews with Trump , and conversations with more than a dozen of his closest advisers and confidants, were the outlines of an imperial presidency that would reshape America and its role in the world. To carry out a deportation operation designed to remove more than 11 million people from the country, Trump told me, he would be willing to build migrant detention camps and deploy the U.S. military, both at the border and inland. He would let red states monitor women’s pregnancies and prosecute those who violate abortion bans. He would, at his personal discretion, withhold funds appropriated by Congress, according to top advisers. He would be willing to fire a U.S. Attorney who doesn’t carry out his order to prosecute someone, breaking with a tradition of independent law enforcement that dates from America’s founding. He is weighing pardons for every one of his supporters accused of attacking the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, more than 800 of whom have pleaded guilty or been convicted by a jury. He might not come to the aid of an attacked ally in Europe or Asia if he felt that country wasn’t paying enough for its own defense. He would gut the U.S. civil service, deploy the National Guard to American cities as he sees fit, close the White House pandemic-preparedness office, and staff his Administration with acolytes who back his false assertion that the 2020 election was stolen.

Trump remains the same guy, with the same goals and grievances. But in person, if anything, he appears more assertive and confident. “When I first got to Washington, I knew very few people,” he says. “I had to rely on people.” Now he is in charge. The arranged marriage with the timorous Republican Party stalwarts is over; the old guard is vanquished, and the people who remain are his people. Trump would enter a second term backed by a slew of policy shops staffed by loyalists who have drawn up detailed plans in service of his agenda, which would concentrate the powers of the state in the hands of a man whose appetite for power appears all but insatiable. “I don’t think it’s a big mystery what his agenda would be,” says his close adviser Kellyanne Conway. “But I think people will be surprised at the alacrity with which he will take action.”

Read More: Read the Full Transcripts of Donald Trump's Interviews With TIME

The courts, the Constitution, and a Congress of unknown composition would all have a say in whether Trump’s objectives come to pass. The machinery of Washington has a range of defenses: leaks to a free press, whistle-blower protections, the oversight of inspectors general. The same deficiencies of temperament and judgment that hindered him in the past remain present. If he wins, Trump would be a lame duck—contrary to the suggestions of some supporters, he tells TIME he would not seek to overturn or ignore the Constitution’s prohibition on a third term. Public opinion would also be a powerful check. Amid a popular outcry, Trump was forced to scale back some of his most draconian first-term initiatives, including the policy of separating migrant families. As George Orwell wrote in 1945, the ability of governments to carry out their designs “depends on the general temper in the country.”

Every election is billed as a national turning point. This time that rings true. To supporters, the prospect of Trump 2.0, unconstrained and backed by a disciplined movement of true believers, offers revolutionary promise. To much of the rest of the nation and the world, it represents an alarming risk. A second Trump term could bring “the end of our democracy,” says presidential historian Douglas Brinkley, “and the birth of a new kind of authoritarian presidential order.”

Trump steps onto the patio at Mar-a-Lago near dusk. The well-heeled crowd eating Wagyu steaks and grilled branzino pauses to applaud as he takes his seat. On this gorgeous evening, the club is a MAGA mecca. Billionaire donor Steve Wynn is here. So is Speaker of the House Mike Johnson , who is dining with the former President after a joint press conference proposing legislation to prevent noncitizens from voting. Their voting in federal elections is already illegal, and extremely rare, but remains a Trumpian fixation that the embattled Speaker appeared happy to co-sign in exchange for the political cover that standing with Trump provides.

At the moment, though, Trump’s attention is elsewhere. With an index finger, he swipes through an iPad on the table to curate the restaurant’s soundtrack. The playlist veers from Sinead O’Connor to James Brown to  The Phantom of the Opera.  And there’s a uniquely Trump choice: a rendition of “The Star-Spangled Banner” sung by a choir of defendants imprisoned for attacking the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, interspersed with a recording of Trump reciting the Pledge of Allegiance. This has become a staple of his rallies, converting the ultimate symbol of national unity into a weapon of factional devotion. 

The spectacle picks up where his first term left off. The events of Jan. 6 , during which a pro-Trump mob attacked the center of American democracy in an effort to subvert the peaceful transfer of power, was a profound stain on his legacy. Trump has sought to recast an insurrectionist riot as an act of patriotism. “I call them the J-6 patriots,” he says. When I ask whether he would consider pardoning every one of them, he says, “Yes, absolutely.” As Trump faces dozens of felony charges, including for election interference, conspiracy to defraud the United States, willful retention of national-security secrets, and falsifying business records to conceal hush-money payments, he has tried to turn legal peril into a badge of honor.

In a second term, Trump’s influence on American democracy would extend far beyond pardoning powers. Allies are laying the groundwork to restructure the presidency in line with a doctrine called the unitary executive theory, which holds that many of the constraints imposed on the White House by legislators and the courts should be swept away in favor of a more powerful Commander in Chief.

Read More: Fact-Checking What Donald Trump Said In His Interviews With TIME

Nowhere would that power be more momentous than at the Department of Justice. Since the nation’s earliest days, Presidents have generally kept a respectful distance from Senate-confirmed law-enforcement officials to avoid exploiting for personal ends their enormous ability to curtail Americans’ freedoms. But Trump, burned in his first term by multiple investigations directed by his own appointees, is ever more vocal about imposing his will directly on the department and its far-flung investigators and prosecutors.

In our Mar-a-Lago interview, Trump says he might fire U.S. Attorneys who refuse his orders to prosecute someone: “It would depend on the situation.” He’s told supporters he would seek retribution against his enemies in a second term. Would that include Fani Willis , the Atlanta-area district attorney who charged him with election interference, or Alvin Bragg, the Manhattan DA in the Stormy Daniels case, who Trump has previously said should be prosecuted? Trump demurs but offers no promises. “No, I don’t want to do that,” he says, before adding, “We’re gonna look at a lot of things. What they’ve done is a terrible thing.”

Trump has also vowed to appoint a “real special prosecutor” to go after Biden. “I wouldn’t want to hurt Biden,” he tells me. “I have too much respect for the office.” Seconds later, though, he suggests Biden’s fate may be tied to an upcoming Supreme Court ruling on whether Presidents can face criminal prosecution for acts committed in office. “If they said that a President doesn’t get immunity,” says Trump, “then Biden, I am sure, will be prosecuted for all of his crimes.” (Biden has not been charged with any, and a House Republican effort to impeach him has failed to unearth evidence of any crimes or misdemeanors, high or low.)

Read More: Trump Says ‘Anti-White Feeling’ Is a Problem in the U.S .

Such moves would be potentially catastrophic for the credibility of American law enforcement, scholars and former Justice Department leaders from both parties say. “If he ordered an improper prosecution, I would expect any respectable U.S. Attorney to say no,” says Michael McConnell, a former U.S. appellate judge appointed by President George W. Bush. “If the President fired the U.S. Attorney, it would be an enormous firestorm.” McConnell, now a Stanford law professor, says the dismissal could have a cascading effect similar to the Saturday Night Massacre , when President Richard Nixon ordered top DOJ officials to remove the special counsel investigating Watergate. Presidents have the constitutional right to fire U.S. Attorneys, and typically replace their predecessors’ appointees upon taking office. But discharging one specifically for refusing a President’s order would be all but unprecedented.

Trump’s radical designs for presidential power would be felt throughout the country. A main focus is the southern border. Trump says he plans to sign orders to reinstall many of the same policies from his first term, such as the Remain in Mexico program, which requires that non-Mexican asylum seekers be sent south of the border until their court dates, and Title 42 , which allows border officials to expel migrants without letting them apply for asylum. Advisers say he plans to cite record border crossings and fentanyl- and child-trafficking as justification for reimposing the emergency measures. He would direct federal funding to resume construction of the border wall, likely by allocating money from the military budget without congressional approval. The capstone of this program, advisers say, would be a massive deportation operation that would target millions of people. Trump made similar pledges in his first term, but says he plans to be more aggressive in a second. “People need to be deported,” says Tom Homan, a top Trump adviser and former acting head of Immigration and Customs Enforcement. “No one should be off the table.”

Read More: The Story Behind TIME's 'If He Wins' Trump Cover

For an operation of that scale, Trump says he would rely mostly on the National Guard to round up and remove undocumented migrants throughout the country. “If they weren’t able to, then I’d use [other parts of] the military,” he says. When I ask if that means he would override the Posse Comitatus Act—an 1878 law that prohibits the use of military force on civilians—Trump seems unmoved by the weight of the statute. “Well, these aren’t civilians,” he says. “These are people that aren’t legally in our country.” He would also seek help from local police and says he would deny funding for jurisdictions that decline to adopt his policies. “There’s a possibility that some won’t want to participate,” Trump says, “and they won’t partake in the riches.”

As President, Trump nominated three Supreme Court Justices who voted to overturn  Roe v. Wade,  and he claims credit for his role in ending a constitutional right to an abortion. At the same time, he has sought to defuse a potent campaign issue for the Democrats by saying he wouldn’t sign a federal ban. In our interview at Mar-a-Lago, he declines to commit to vetoing any additional federal restrictions if they came to his desk. More than 20 states now have full or partial abortion bans, and Trump says those policies should be left to the states to do what they want, including monitoring women’s pregnancies. “I think they might do that,” he says. When I ask whether he would be comfortable with states prosecuting women for having abortions beyond the point the laws permit, he says, “It’s irrelevant whether I’m comfortable or not. It’s totally irrelevant, because the states are going to make those decisions.” President Biden has said he would fight state anti-abortion measures in court and with regulation.

Trump’s allies don’t plan to be passive on abortion if he returns to power. The Heritage Foundation has called for enforcement of a 19th century statute that would outlaw the mailing of abortion pills. The Republican Study Committee (RSC), which includes more than 80% of the House GOP conference, included in its 2025 budget proposal the Life at Conception Act, which says the right to life extends to “the moment of fertilization.” I ask Trump if he would veto that bill if it came to his desk. “I don’t have to do anything about vetoes,” Trump says, “because we now have it back in the states.”

Presidents typically have a narrow window to pass major legislation. Trump’s team is eyeing two bills to kick off a second term: a border-security and immigration package, and an extension of his 2017 tax cuts. Many of the latter’s provisions expire early in 2025: the tax cuts on individual income brackets, 100% business expensing, the doubling of the estate-tax deduction. Trump is planning to intensify his protectionist agenda, telling me he’s considering a tariff of more than 10% on all imports, and perhaps even a 100% tariff on some Chinese goods. Trump says the tariffs will liberate the U.S. economy from being at the mercy of foreign manufacturing and spur an industrial renaissance in the U.S. When I point out that independent analysts estimate Trump’s first term tariffs on thousands of products, including steel and aluminum, solar panels, and washing machines, may have cost the U.S. $316 billion and more than 300,000 jobs, by one account, he dismisses these experts out of hand. His advisers argue that the average yearly inflation rate in his first term—under 2%—is evidence that his tariffs won’t raise prices.

Since leaving office, Trump has tried to engineer a caucus of the compliant, clearing primary fields in Senate and House races. His hope is that GOP majorities replete with MAGA diehards could rubber-stamp his legislative agenda and nominees. Representative Jim Banks of Indiana, a former RSC chairman and the GOP nominee for the state’s open Senate seat, recalls an August 2022 RSC planning meeting with Trump at his residence in Bedminster, N.J. As the group arrived, Banks recalls, news broke that Mar-a-Lago had been raided by the FBI. Banks was sure the meeting would be canceled. Moments later, Trump walked through the doors, defiant and pledging to run again. “I need allies there when I’m elected,” Banks recalls Trump saying. The difference in a second Trump term, Banks says now, “is he’s going to have the backup in Congress that he didn’t have before.”

Trump’s intention to remake America’s relations abroad may be just as consequential. Since its founding, the U.S. has sought to build and sustain alliances based on the shared values of political and economic freedom. Trump takes a much more transactional approach to international relations than his predecessors, expressing disdain for what he views as free-riding friends and appreciation for authoritarian leaders like President Xi Jinping of China, Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary, or former President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil.

That’s one reason America’s traditional allies were horrified when Trump recently said at a campaign rally that Russia could “do whatever the hell they want” to a NATO country he believes doesn’t spend enough on collective defense. That wasn’t idle bluster, Trump tells me. “If you’re not going to pay, then you’re on your own,” he says. Trump has long said the alliance is ripping the U.S. off. Former NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg credited Trump’s first-term threat to pull out of the alliance with spurring other members to add more than $100 billion to their defense budgets.

But an insecure NATO is as likely to accrue to Russia’s benefit as it is to America’s. President Vladimir Putin’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine looks to many in Europe and the U.S. like a test of his broader vision to reconstruct the Soviet empire. Under Biden and a bipartisan Congress, the U.S. has sent more than $100 billion to Ukraine to defend itself. It’s unlikely Trump would extend the same support to Kyiv. After Orban visited Mar-a-Lago in March, he said Trump “wouldn’t give a penny” to Ukraine. “I wouldn’t give unless Europe starts equalizing,” Trump hedges in our interview. “If Europe is not going to pay, why should we pay? They’re much more greatly affected. We have an ocean in between us. They don’t.” (E.U. nations have given more than $100 billion in aid to Ukraine as well.)

Trump has historically been reluctant to criticize or confront Putin. He sided with the Russian autocrat over his own intelligence community when it asserted that Russia interfered in the 2016 election. Even now, Trump uses Putin as a foil for his own political purposes. When I asked Trump why he has not called for the release of Wall Street Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich, who has been unjustly held on spurious charges in a Moscow prison for a year , Trump says, “I guess because I have so many other things I’m working on.” Gershkovich should be freed, he adds, but he doubts it will happen before the election. “The reporter should be released and he will be released,” Trump tells me. “I don’t know if he’s going to be released under Biden. I would get him released.”

America’s Asian allies, like its European ones, may be on their own under Trump. Taiwan’s Foreign Minister recently said aid to Ukraine was critical in deterring Xi from invading the island. Communist China’s leaders “have to understand that things like that can’t come easy,” Trump says, but he declines to say whether he would come to Taiwan’s defense. 

Trump is less cryptic on current U.S. troop deployments in Asia. If South Korea doesn’t pay more to support U.S. troops there to deter Kim Jong Un’s increasingly belligerent regime to the north, Trump suggests the U.S. could withdraw its forces. “We have 40,000 troops that are in a precarious position,” he tells TIME. (The number is actually 28,500.) “Which doesn’t make any sense. Why would we defend somebody? And we’re talking about a very wealthy country.”

Transactional isolationism may be the main strain of Trump’s foreign policy, but there are limits. Trump says he would join Israel’s side in a confrontation with Iran. “If they attack Israel, yes, we would be there,” he tells me. He says he has come around to the now widespread belief in Israel that a Palestinian state existing side by side in peace is increasingly unlikely. “There was a time when I thought two-state could work,” he says. “Now I think two-state is going to be very, very tough.”

Yet even his support for Israel is not absolute. He’s criticized Israel’s handling of its war against Hamas, which has killed more than 30,000 Palestinians in Gaza, and has called for the nation to “get it over with.” When I ask whether he would consider withholding U.S. military aid to Israel to push it toward winding down the war, he doesn’t say yes, but he doesn’t rule it out, either. He is sharply critical of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, once a close ally. “I had a bad experience with Bibi,” Trump says. In his telling, a January 2020 U.S. operation to assassinate a top Iranian general was supposed to be a joint attack until Netanyahu backed out at the last moment. “That was something I never forgot,” he says. He blames Netanyahu for failing to prevent the Oct. 7 attack, when Hamas militants infiltrated southern Israel and killed nearly 1,200 people amid acts of brutality including burning entire families alive and raping women and girls. “It happened on his watch,” Trump says.

On the second day of Trump’s New York trial on April 17, I stand behind the packed counter of the Sanaa Convenience Store on 139th Street and Broadway, waiting for Trump to drop in for a postcourt campaign stop. He chose the bodega for its history. In 2022, one of the store’s clerks fatally stabbed a customer who attacked him. Bragg, the Manhattan DA, charged the clerk with second-degree murder. (The charges were later dropped amid public outrage over video footage that appeared to show the clerk acting in self-defense.) A baseball bat behind the counter alludes to lingering security concerns. When Trump arrives, he asks the store’s co-owner, Maad Ahmed, a Yemeni immigrant, about safety. “You should be allowed to have a gun,” Trump tells Ahmed. “If you had a gun, you’d never get robbed.”

On the campaign trail, Trump uses crime as a cudgel, painting urban America as a savage hell-scape even though violent crime has declined in recent years, with homicides sinking 6% in 2022 and 13% in 2023, according to the FBI. When I point this out, Trump tells me he thinks the data, which is collected by state and local police departments, is rigged. “It’s a lie,” he says. He has pledged to send the National Guard into cities struggling with crime in a second term—possibly without the request of governors—and plans to approve Justice Department grants only to cities that adopt his preferred policing methods like stop-and-frisk.

To critics, Trump’s preoccupation with crime is a racial dog whistle. In polls, large numbers of his supporters have expressed the view that antiwhite racism now represents a greater problem in the U.S. than the systemic racism that has long afflicted Black Americans. When I ask if he agrees, Trump does not dispute this position. “There is a definite antiwhite feeling in the country,” he tells TIME, “and that can’t be allowed either.” In a second term, advisers say, a Trump Administration would rescind Biden’s Executive Orders designed to boost diversity and racial equity.

Trump’s ability to campaign for the White House in the midst of an unprecedented criminal trial is the product of a more professional campaign operation that has avoided the infighting that plagued past versions. “He has a very disciplined team around him,” says Representative Elise Stefanik of New York. “That is an indicator of how disciplined and focused a second term will be.” That control now extends to the party writ large. In 2016, the GOP establishment, having failed to derail Trump’s campaign, surrounded him with staff who sought to temper him. Today the party’s permanent class have either devoted themselves to the gospel of MAGA or given up. Trump has cleaned house at the Republican National Committee, installing handpicked leaders—including his daughter-in-law—who have reportedly imposed loyalty tests on prospective job applicants, asking whether they believe the false assertion that the 2020 election was stolen. (The RNC has denied there is a litmus test.) Trump tells me he would have trouble hiring anyone who admits Biden won: “I wouldn’t feel good about it.”

Policy groups are creating a government-in-waiting full of true believers. The Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025 has drawn up plans for legislation and Executive Orders as it trains prospective personnel for a second Trump term. The Center for Renewing America, led by Russell Vought, Trump’s former director of the Office of Management and Budget, is dedicated to disempowering the so-called administrative state, the collection of bureaucrats with the power to control everything from drug-safety determinations to the contents of school lunches. The America First Policy Institute is a research haven of pro-Trump right-wing populists. America First Legal, led by Trump’s immigration adviser Stephen Miller, is mounting court battles against the Biden Administration. 

The goal of these groups is to put Trump’s vision into action on day one. “The President never had a policy process that was designed to give him what he actually wanted and campaigned on,” says Vought. “[We are] sorting through the legal authorities, the mechanics, and providing the momentum for a future Administration.” That includes a litany of boundary-pushing right-wing policies, including slashing Department of Justice funding and cutting climate and environmental regulations.

Read More: Fact-Checking What Donald Trump Said in His 2024 Interviews With TIME

Trump’s campaign says he would be the final decision-maker on which policies suggested by these organizations would get implemented. But at the least, these advisers could form the front lines of a planned march against what Trump dubs the Deep State, marrying bureaucratic savvy to their leader’s anti-bureaucratic zeal. One weapon in Trump’s second-term “War on Washington” is a wonky one: restoring the power of impoundment, which allowed Presidents to withhold congressionally appropriated funds. Impoundment was a favorite maneuver of Nixon, who used his authority to freeze funding for subsidized housing and the Environmental Protection Agency. Trump and his allies plan to challenge a 1974 law that prohibits use of the measure, according to campaign policy advisers.

Another inside move is the enforcement of Schedule F, which allows the President to fire nonpolitical government officials and which Trump says he would embrace. “You have some people that are protected that shouldn’t be protected,” he says. A senior U.S. judge offers an example of how consequential such a move could be. Suppose there’s another pandemic, and President Trump wants to push the use of an untested drug, much as he did with hydroxychloroquine during COVID-19. Under Schedule F, if the drug’s medical reviewer at the Food and Drug Administration refuses to sign off on its use, Trump could fire them, and anyone else who doesn’t approve it. The Trump team says the President needs the power to hold bureaucrats accountable to voters. “The mere mention of Schedule F,” says Vought, “ensures that the bureaucracy moves in your direction.”

It can be hard at times to discern Trump’s true intentions. In his interviews with TIME, he often sidestepped questions or answered them in contradictory ways. There’s no telling how his ego and self-destructive behavior might hinder his objectives. And for all his norm-breaking, there are lines he says he won’t cross. When asked if he would comply with all orders upheld by the Supreme Court, Trump says he would. 

But his policy preoccupations are clear and consistent. If Trump is able to carry out a fraction of his goals, the impact could prove as transformative as any presidency in more than a century. “He’s in full war mode,” says his former adviser and occasional confidant Stephen Bannon. Trump’s sense of the state of the country is “quite apocalyptic,” Bannon says. “That’s where Trump’s heart is. That’s where his obsession is.”

These obsessions could once again push the nation to the brink of crisis. Trump does not dismiss the possibility of political violence around the election. “If we don’t win, you know, it depends,” he tells TIME. “It always depends on the fairness of the election.” When I ask what he meant when he baselessly claimed on Truth Social that a stolen election “allows for the termination of all rules, regulations and articles, even those found in the Constitution,” Trump responded by denying he had said it. He then complained about the “Biden-inspired” court case he faces in New York and suggested that the “fascists” in America’s government were its greatest threat. “I think the enemy from within, in many cases, is much more dangerous for our country than the outside enemies of China, Russia, and various others,” he tells me.

Toward the end of our conversation at Mar-a-Lago, I ask Trump to explain another troubling comment he made: that he wants to be dictator for a day. It came during a Fox News town hall with Sean Hannity, who gave Trump an opportunity to allay concerns that he would abuse power in office or seek retribution against political opponents. Trump said he would not be a dictator—“except for day one,” he added. “I want to close the border, and I want to drill, drill, drill.”

Trump says that the remark “was said in fun, in jest, sarcastically.” He compares it to an infamous moment from the 2016 campaign, when he encouraged the Russians to hack and leak Hillary Clinton’s emails. In Trump’s mind, the media sensationalized those remarks too. But the Russians weren’t joking: among many other efforts to influence the core exercise of American democracy that year, they hacked the Democratic National Committee’s servers and disseminated its emails through WikiLeaks.

Whether or not he was kidding about bringing a tyrannical end to our 248-year experiment in democracy, I ask him, Don’t you see why many Americans see such talk of dictatorship as contrary to our most cherished principles? Trump says no. Quite the opposite, he insists. “I think a lot of people like it.” — With reporting by Leslie Dickstein, Simmone Shah, and Julia Zorthian

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• International

April 30, 2024 - US university protests

By Rachel Ramirez, Chandelis Duster, Samantha Delouya, Tori B. Powell, Aditi Sangal, Amir Vera, Deva Lee, Kathleen Magramo, Dalia Faheid and Elizabeth Wolfe, CNN

Our live coverage of the protests rocking US campuses has moved here

Over 100 protesters arrested across 2 New York college campuses, law enforcement official says

From CNN’s Mark Morales

Over 100 protesters were arrested Tuesday at Columbia University and City College of New York, according to a law enforcement official.

Most of the arrests were made at Columbia, including about two dozen protesters who police say tried to prevent officers from entering the campus, the official said.

Tactical teams at Columbia first set up a perimeter around the campus to hold back protesters and prevent further arrests, according to the official. Offers then entered the campus through multiple entry points.

"It's still a student-fueled movement," Columbia student magazine editor says

From CNN's Kathleen Magramo

Jonas Du, editor-in-chief of a Columbia student magazine, told CNN that the protests on campus are student-fueled regardless of any outsider involvement.

It’s “hard to say” whether those arrested from Columbia's Hamilton Hall were students or from outside the institution, the Columbia Sundial editor said.

“Even though campus has been locked down to Columbia ID holders, now there has been ways of getting in, getting non-affiliated into campus. But for the most part you need Columbia IDs, you need students to provide you with IDs that can get you into campus," said Du, who is a junior student at the university.

Du said he believes there is “evidence” of outside organizations behind the occupation's planning, but he also says numerous Columbia students were inside Hamilton Hall. 

He said he recognized “many, many Columbia students in the crowd” that formed human chains around the entrances to Hamilton Hall while reporting on the protests. 

“At the end of the day, it's still a student-fueled movement. It wouldn’t have gotten to (this) extent without the of the student organizations here.” 

Du said students received a text message and email alert from the school stating that a shelter-in-place order had been issued, asking them to remain in their dorms and not to go on campus.

"But all of us knew that that was sort of a signal that the NYPD was going to raid campus," he added.

Video shows Arizona State University police officer removing protester’s hijab during arrest

From CNN’s Cindy Von Quednow

Video taken over the weekend at Arizona State University shows a campus police officer removing a hijab from a protester’s head during her arrest.

The blurred video, obtained by Mass Liberation AZ and provided to CNN by attorney Zayed Al-Sayyed, who represents the women, shows several ASU Police Department officers surrounding a woman whose hands are held behind her back as one of the officers removes her hijab.

People nearby can be heard yelling, “You’re violating her privacy,” and “Give it back.”

The officers then pull the woman’s sweatshirt hood over her head and a bystander yells, “So she can wear a hood but not her hijab?” At one point one of the officers blocks the woman from the view of those taking the video, as a person yells, “let her go!”

A lawyer representing her and three other women who said it also happened to them is demanding accountability.

Al-Sayyed, who said the arrests took place early Saturday, did not identify the women but indicated that three of them are students at the university and all four are Phoenix-area residents. They are facing criminal trespass charges.

Upon being taken into custody, Al-Sayyed said, the women explained the significance of a hijab and “begged” to keep their hijabs, but he said they were told that their hijabs had to be removed for safety reasons.

“They never expected that an officer … who’s sworn to protect and serve is going to violate their most basic protected right under the United States Constitution, which is the right to practice their religion. So they're hurt,” Al-Sayyed said.

After being detained and bused to jail, the women were not given their hijabs back, Al-Sayyed said.

Around 15 hours later, when he was finally given access to his clients, Al-Sayyed said he was able to bring them new hijabs.

The Arizona chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR-AZ),  condemned  the university police for the recorded incident and others like it and called for a full investigation.

“This act represents a blatant infringement upon the religious liberties of peaceful protesters. It is profoundly distressing for the affected women, and ASU Police must conduct a thorough investigation into this matter,” Azza Abuseif, executive director of CAIR-AZ, said in an email to CNN.

In a statement to CNN, the university said, “This matter is under review.” CNN has reached out to the Maricopa County Attorney's Office for comment.

Protests will continue despite police presence at Columbia, student negotiator says

A lead student negotiator for protesters at Columbia University has told CNN that protests will continue on the campus despite the school's request for a police presence.

The university has asked NYPD to maintain its presence on campus until May 17.

"I’m very confident that students will continue this movement even after all this brutality against them," negotiator Mahmoud Khalil said, adding that students still have the right to protest despite increased security.

Since negotiations between student protesters and the Columbia University administration began two weeks ago, the university has not viewed them as an anti-war movement, he said. 

"Instead, they dealt with it as an internal student discipline matter. They negotiated with us about bringing food and blankets to the encampment. They refused to acknowledge that this actually is more than that, this is a nationwide movement.

"This is a movement that asks Columbia to divest its investments from the companies that are fuelling the war in Gaza right now,” said Khalil, who is a second-year graduate student at Columbia.

Tensions escalated on campus when officers entered Columbia's Hamilton Hall , which had been occupied by protesters since the early hours of Tuesday, and dozens were seen being arrested.

Khalil said that "the autonomous group decided to take that building when they felt the university is not answering their demands" and was "alienating" them.

Police presence at Columbia may dampen graduation celebrations, CNN journalist and student says

From CNN's Elizabeth Wolfe

Julia Vargas Jones, a CNN journalist and Columbia Journalism School graduate student, said the university's request for an on-campus police presence through May 17 will only "dampen the mood even more" as students and their families prepare for graduation.

NYPD swarmed the university Tuesday night after the university authorized them to go into the campus to clear out a building being occupied by protesters. CNN has witnessed dozens of arrests.

"Graduation is May 15. That is my graduation as well. I have family coming from Brazil to come watch me walk across the stage and get my diploma. I hope of course, as everyone does, that this (graduation) can happen," Jones said.

"But at the same time, is there a climate for celebration, for graduation?" Jones said.

Jones said she's unsure the climate on campus will be celebratory as graduation nears.

"I spoke to a lot of students on campus today and students were just feeling caught in between. I don't really see celebration being something we flock to in the coming weeks," she said. "I'm interested to see who will actually attend graduation."

Jones said she has not witnessed any violent altercations as she reported from inside Columbia’s campus Tuesday night. After the campus was cleared by NYPD, Jones described the atmosphere as quiet enough to “hear a pin drop.”

NYPD used flash bangs to breach Columbia building where doors were barricaded

From CNN’s Matthew Friedman and Miguel Marquez

NYPD officers used flash-bang grenades to breach Columbia's Hamilton Hall, which protesters had barricaded themselves inside Tuesday, the police department told CNN.

The building's doors had been barricaded with chairs, tables and vending machines, and windows had been covered with newspaper, the NYPD said.

When a flash-bang grenade is deployed , it emits a bright flash and a very loud bang, often used to shock and disorient. 

Video posted by NYPD Deputy Commissioner Kaz Daughtry shows officers searching a bookshelf-lined office after busting the door's lock with a hammer.

Another video shows officers packing a stairwell and passing chairs to one another.

At least 50 officers had earlier used an elevated ramp to climb into the building through a window. 

Columbia University property has been cleared, NYPD says

From CNN’s Matthew Friedman and Miguel Marquez at Columbia

Columbia University’s property has been cleared, the New York Police Department told CNN, less than two hours after officers entered the school’s campus in Morningside Heights.

Hamilton Hall has also been cleared, the NYPD says, and nobody was wounded during the operation. 

The NYPD is still monitoring different locations for protesters across the city, they said.

Photos show NYPD action at Columbia University

From CNN Digital’s Photo Team

The New York Police Department entered the Columbia University campus late Tuesday evening after receiving a letter from the university authorizing them to go into the campus, a law enforcement source familiar with the situation told CNN. 

Officers entered Hamilton Hall , which had been occupied by protesters since the early morning hours Tuesday.

Dozens of people have been arrested.

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Miss Teen USA steps down just days after Miss USA's resignation, citing 'personal values'

Srivastava said her 'personal values no longer fully align with the direction of the organization.'

Miss Teen USA resigned Wednesday, sending further shock waves through the pageant community just days after Miss USA said she would relinquish her crown.

In an Instagram post Wednesday, Miss Teen USA UmaSofia Srivastava said her "personal values no longer fully align with the direction of the organization."

"After months of grappling with this decision, I have made the choice to resign from the title of Miss Teen USA 2023," wrote Srivastava in a statement on her personal account. The high school teen from New Jersey won the pageant back in September and had expressed her pride at being the first Mexican-Indian American to hold the role.

"I look forward to the rest of the year as I finish 11th grade as part of the National Honor Society and start the college application process, knowing that my academic career has been defined by my hard work, and my hard work alone," she added. She said she would continue her advocacy for education and acceptance alongside work with the Lotus Petal and Bridge of Books foundations.

The pageant responded with an Instagram post, writing that it respected Srivastava's decision, considered the well-being of titleholders "a top priority," and that a successor would be named soon.

Srivastava and the Miss Universe and Miss USA organizations did not immediately respond to CNN's requests for comment.

Her resignation comes on the heels of another queen relinquishing her title earlier this week.

On Monday, Noelia Voigt stepped down from her Miss USA title, citing her mental health. When she took the crown in November, Voigt, who is Venezuelan American and from Utah, said she would work to connect with diverse communities across the United States.

"Deep down I know that this is just the beginning of a new chapter for me, and my hope is that I continue to inspire others to remain steadfast, prioritize your mental health, advocate for yourself and others by using your voice, and never be afraid of what the future holds, even if it feels uncertain," she posted on Instagram.

"Never compromise your physical and mental well-being. Our health is our wealth," she wrote.

Her post drew speculation from fans that Voigt was sending a hidden message about a non-disclosure agreement, with the first letter of the first 11 sentences of her statement spelling out "I am silenced."

A spokesperson for the Miss USA Organization told CNN in a statement on Monday that they supported Voigt's decision to step down from her duties and that "the well-being of our titleholders is a top priority, and we understand her need to prioritize herself at this time."

The organization added they are reviewing plans for the "transition of responsibilities to a successor" and that they will announce the new Miss USA soon.

The resignations, along with the organization's social media director Claudia Michelle also stepping down last week, have raised questions among fans around the culture of beauty pageants and whether aspects are in need of an overhaul.

Michelle has been more candid about alleged problems at the organization. In an Instagram post she wrote she disavows "workplace toxicity and bullying of any kind."

Miss Universe and Miss USA did not immediately respond to CNN's requests for comment.

Some of Voigt's fellow Miss USA contestants shared a post claiming that "the majority" of the 2023 class supported her decision to leave and asked the Miss USA Organization to release Voigt from her NDA clause "so that she is free to speak on her experiences."

(The-CNN-Wire & 2023 Cable News Network, Inc., a Time Warner Company. All rights reserved.)

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Before choosing a Builder for your residential home project in Elektrostal', there are a few important steps to take:

• Define your project: Outline your desired home type, features, and layout. Provide specific details and preferences to help the builder understand your vision.
• Establish a budget: Develop a comprehensive budget, including construction expenses and material costs. Communicate your budgetary constraints to the builder from the beginning.
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Questions to ask a prospective custom home builder in elektrostal', moscow oblast, russia:.

If you search for Home Builders near me you'll be sure to find a business that knows about modern design concepts and innovative technologies to meet the evolving needs of homeowners. With their expertise, Home Builders ensure that renovation projects align with clients' preferences and aspirations, delivering personalized and contemporary living spaces.

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