quantitative case study research

Case Study Methods and Examples

By Janet Salmons, PhD Manager, Sage Research Methods Community

What is Case Study Methodology ?

Case studies in research are both unique and uniquely confusing. The term case study is confusing because the same term is used multiple ways. The term can refer to the methodology, that is, a system of frameworks used to design a study, or the methods used to conduct it. Or, case study can refer to a type of academic writing that typically delves into a problem, process, or situation.

Case study methodology can entail the study of one or more "cases," that could be described as instances, examples, or settings where the problem or phenomenon can be examined. The researcher is tasked with defining the parameters of the case, that is, what is included and excluded. This process is called bounding the case , or setting boundaries.

Case study can be combined with other methodologies, such as ethnography, grounded theory, or phenomenology. In such studies the research on the case uses another framework to further define the study and refine the approach.

Case study is also described as a method, given particular approaches used to collect and analyze data. Case study research is conducted by almost every social science discipline: business, education, sociology, psychology. Case study research, with its reliance on multiple sources, is also a natural choice for researchers interested in trans-, inter-, or cross-disciplinary studies.

The Encyclopedia of case study research provides an overview:

The purpose of case study research is twofold: (1) to provide descriptive information and (2) to suggest theoretical relevance. Rich description enables an in-depth or sharpened understanding of the case.

It is unique given one characteristic: case studies draw from more than one data source. Case studies are inherently multimodal or mixed methods because this they use either more than one form of data within a research paradigm, or more than one form of data from different paradigms.

A case study inquiry could include multiple types of data:

multiple forms of quantitative data sources, such as Big Data + a survey

multiple forms of qualitative data sources, such as interviews + observations + documents

multiple forms of quantitative and qualitative data sources, such as surveys + interviews

Case study methodology can be used to achieve different research purposes.

Robert Yin , methodologist most associated with case study research, differentiates between descriptive , exploratory and explanatory case studies:

Descriptive : A case study whose purpose is to describe a phenomenon. Explanatory : A case study whose purpose is to explain how or why some condition came to be, or why some sequence of events occurred or did not occur. Exploratory: A case study whose purpose is to identify the research questions or procedures to be used in a subsequent study.

Robert Yin’s book is a comprehensive guide for case study researchers!

You can read the preface and Chapter 1 of Yin's book here . See the open-access articles below for some published examples of qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods case study research.

Mills, A. J., Durepos, G., & Wiebe, E. (2010).  Encyclopedia of case study research (Vols. 1-0). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. doi: 10.4135/9781412957397

Yin, R. K. (2018). Case study research and applications (6th ed.). Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications.

Open-Access Articles Using Case Study Methodology

As you can see from this collection, case study methods are used in qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods research.

Ang, C.-S., Lee, K.-F., & Dipolog-Ubanan, G. F. (2019). Determinants of First-Year Student Identity and Satisfaction in Higher Education: A Quantitative Case Study. SAGE Open. https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244019846689

Abstract. First-year undergraduates’ expectations and experience of university and student engagement variables were investigated to determine how these perceptions influence their student identity and overall course satisfaction. Data collected from 554 first-year undergraduates at a large private university were analyzed. Participants were given the adapted version of the Melbourne Centre for the Study of Higher Education Survey to self-report their learning experience and engagement in the university community. The results showed that, in general, the students’ reasons of pursuing tertiary education were to open the door to career opportunities and skill development. Moreover, students’ views on their learning and university engagement were at the moderate level. In relation to student identity and overall student satisfaction, it is encouraging to state that their perceptions of studentship and course satisfaction were rather positive. After controlling for demographics, student engagement appeared to explain more variance in student identity, whereas students’ expectations and experience explained greater variance in students’ overall course satisfaction. Implications for practice, limitations, and recommendation of this study are addressed.

Baker, A. J. (2017). Algorithms to Assess Music Cities: Case Study—Melbourne as a Music Capital. SAGE Open. https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244017691801

Abstract. The global  Mastering of a Music City  report in 2015 notes that the concept of music cities has penetrated the global political vernacular because it delivers “significant economic, employment, cultural and social benefits.” This article highlights that no empirical study has combined all these values and offers a relevant and comprehensive definition of a music city. Drawing on industry research,1 the article assesses how mathematical flowcharts, such as Algorithm A (Economics), Algorithm B (Four T’s creative index), and Algorithm C (Heritage), have contributed to the definition of a music city. Taking Melbourne as a case study, it illustrates how Algorithms A and B are used as disputed evidence about whether the city is touted as Australia’s music capital. The article connects the three algorithms to an academic framework from musicology, urban studies, cultural economics, and sociology, and proposes a benchmark Algorithm D (Music Cities definition), which offers a more holistic assessment of music activity in any urban context. The article concludes by arguing that Algorithm D offers a much-needed definition of what comprises a music city because it builds on the popular political economy focus and includes the social importance of space and cultural practices.

Brown, K., & Mondon, A. (2020). Populism, the media, and the mainstreaming of the far right: The Guardian’s coverage of populism as a case study. Politics. https://doi.org/10.1177/0263395720955036

Abstract. Populism seems to define our current political age. The term is splashed across the headlines, brandished in political speeches and commentaries, and applied extensively in numerous academic publications and conferences. This pervasive usage, or populist hype, has serious implications for our understanding of the meaning of populism itself and for our interpretation of the phenomena to which it is applied. In particular, we argue that its common conflation with far-right politics, as well as its breadth of application to other phenomena, has contributed to the mainstreaming of the far right in three main ways: (1) agenda-setting power and deflection, (2) euphemisation and trivialisation, and (3) amplification. Through a mixed-methods approach to discourse analysis, this article uses  The Guardian  newspaper as a case study to explore the development of the populist hype and the detrimental effects of the logics that it has pushed in public discourse.

Droy, L. T., Goodwin, J., & O’Connor, H. (2020). Methodological Uncertainty and Multi-Strategy Analysis: Case Study of the Long-Term Effects of Government Sponsored Youth Training on Occupational Mobility. Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique, 147–148(1–2), 200–230. https://doi.org/10.1177/0759106320939893

Abstract. Sociological practitioners often face considerable methodological uncertainty when undertaking a quantitative analysis. This methodological uncertainty encompasses both data construction (e.g. defining variables) and analysis (e.g. selecting and specifying a modelling procedure). Methodological uncertainty can lead to results that are fragile and arbitrary. Yet, many practitioners may be unaware of the potential scale of methodological uncertainty in quantitative analysis, and the recent emergence of techniques for addressing it. Recent proposals for ‘multi-strategy’ approaches seek to identify and manage methodological uncertainty in quantitative analysis. We present a case-study of a multi-strategy analysis, applied to the problem of estimating the long-term impact of 1980s UK government-sponsored youth training. We use this case study to further highlight the problem of cumulative methodological fragilities in applied quantitative sociology and to discuss and help develop multi-strategy analysis as a tool to address them.

Ebneyamini, S., & Sadeghi Moghadam, M. R. (2018). Toward Developing a Framework for Conducting Case Study Research .  International Journal of Qualitative Methods .  https://doi.org/10.1177/1609406918817954

Abstract. This article reviews the use of case study research for both practical and theoretical issues especially in management field with the emphasis on management of technology and innovation. Many researchers commented on the methodological issues of the case study research from their point of view thus, presenting a comprehensive framework was missing. We try representing a general framework with methodological and analytical perspective to design, develop, and conduct case study research. To test the coverage of our framework, we have analyzed articles in three major journals related to the management of technology and innovation to approve our framework. This study represents a general structure to guide, design, and fulfill a case study research with levels and steps necessary for researchers to use in their research.

Lai, D., & Roccu, R. (2019). Case study research and critical IR: the case for the extended case methodology. International Relations , 33 (1), 67-87. https://doi.org/10.1177/0047117818818243

Abstract. Discussions on case study methodology in International Relations (IR) have historically been dominated by positivist and neopositivist approaches. However, these are problematic for critical IR research, pointing to the need for a non-positivist case study methodology. To address this issue, this article introduces and adapts the extended case methodology as a critical, reflexivist approach to case study research, whereby the case is constructed through a dynamic interaction with theory, rather than selected, and knowledge is produced through extensions rather than generalisation. Insofar as it seeks to study the world in complex and non-linear terms, take context and positionality seriously, and generate explicitly political and emancipatory knowledge, the extended case methodology is consistent with the ontological and epistemological commitments of several critical IR approaches. Its potential is illustrated in the final part of the article with reference to researching the socioeconomic dimension of transitional justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Lynch, R., Young, J. C., Boakye-Achampong, S., Jowaisas, C., Sam, J., & Norlander, B. (2020). Benefits of crowdsourcing for libraries: A case study from Africa . IFLA Journal. https://doi.org/10.1177/0340035220944940

Abstract. Many libraries in the Global South do not collect comprehensive data about themselves, which creates challenges in terms of local and international visibility. Crowdsourcing is an effective tool that engages the public to collect missing data, and it has proven to be particularly valuable in countries where governments collect little public data. Whereas crowdsourcing is often used within fields that have high levels of development funding, such as health, the authors believe that this approach would have many benefits for the library field as well. They present qualitative and quantitative evidence from 23 African countries involved in a crowdsourcing project to map libraries. The authors find benefits in terms of increased connections between stakeholders, capacity-building, and increased local visibility. These findings demonstrate the potential of crowdsourced approaches for tasks such as mapping to benefit libraries and similarly positioned institutions in the Global South in multifaceted ways.

Mason, W., Morris, K., Webb, C., Daniels, B., Featherstone, B., Bywaters, P., Mirza, N., Hooper, J., Brady, G., Bunting, L., & Scourfield, J. (2020). Toward Full Integration of Quantitative and Qualitative Methods in Case Study Research: Insights From Investigating Child Welfare Inequalities. Journal of Mixed Methods Research, 14 (2), 164-183. https://doi.org/10.1177/1558689819857972

Abstract. Delineation of the full integration of quantitative and qualitative methods throughout all stages of multisite mixed methods case study projects remains a gap in the methodological literature. This article offers advances to the field of mixed methods by detailing the application and integration of mixed methods throughout all stages of one such project; a study of child welfare inequalities. By offering a critical discussion of site selection and the management of confirmatory, expansionary and discordant data, this article contributes to the limited body of mixed methods exemplars specific to this field. We propose that our mixed methods approach provided distinctive insights into a complex social problem, offering expanded understandings of the relationship between poverty, child abuse, and neglect.

Rashid, Y., Rashid, A., Warraich, M. A., Sabir, S. S., & Waseem, A. (2019). Case Study Method: A Step-by-Step Guide for Business Researchers .  International Journal of Qualitative Methods .  https://doi.org/10.1177/1609406919862424

Abstract. Qualitative case study methodology enables researchers to conduct an in-depth exploration of intricate phenomena within some specific context. By keeping in mind research students, this article presents a systematic step-by-step guide to conduct a case study in the business discipline. Research students belonging to said discipline face issues in terms of clarity, selection, and operationalization of qualitative case study while doing their final dissertation. These issues often lead to confusion, wastage of valuable time, and wrong decisions that affect the overall outcome of the research. This article presents a checklist comprised of four phases, that is, foundation phase, prefield phase, field phase, and reporting phase. The objective of this article is to provide novice researchers with practical application of this checklist by linking all its four phases with the authors’ experiences and learning from recently conducted in-depth multiple case studies in the organizations of New Zealand. Rather than discussing case study in general, a targeted step-by-step plan with real-time research examples to conduct a case study is given.

VanWynsberghe, R., & Khan, S. (2007). Redefining Case Study. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 80–94. https://doi.org/10.1177/160940690700600208

Abstract. In this paper the authors propose a more precise and encompassing definition of case study than is usually found. They support their definition by clarifying that case study is neither a method nor a methodology nor a research design as suggested by others. They use a case study prototype of their own design to propose common properties of case study and demonstrate how these properties support their definition. Next, they present several living myths about case study and refute them in relation to their definition. Finally, they discuss the interplay between the terms case study and unit of analysis to further delineate their definition of case study. The target audiences for this paper include case study researchers, research design and methods instructors, and graduate students interested in case study research.

More Sage Research Methods Community Posts about Case Study Research

Use research cases as the basis for individual or team activities that build skills.

Find an 10-step process for using research cases to teach methods with learning activities for individual students, teams, or small groups. (Or use the approach yourself!)

How do you decide which methodology fits your study? In this dialogue Linda Bloomberg and Janet Boberg explain the importance of a strategic approach to qualitative research design that stresses alignment with the purpose of the study.

Case study methods are used by researchers in many disciplines. Here are some open-access articles about multimodal qualitative or mixed methods designs that include both qualitative and quantitative elements.

Case study methodology is both unique, and uniquely confusing. It is unique given one characteristic: case studies draw from more than one data source.

What is case study methodology? It is unique given one characteristic: case studies draw from more than one data source. In this post find definitions and a collection of multidisciplinary examples.

Find discussion of case studies and published examples.

Istanbul as a regional computational social science hub

Experiments and quantitative research.

Research Writing and Analysis

• NVivo Group and Study Sessions
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• Step 1: Seek Out Evidence
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• Problem Statement
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Writing a Case Study

What is a case study?

A Case study is: 

• An in-depth research design that primarily uses a qualitative methodology but sometimes​​ includes quantitative methodology.
• Used to examine an identifiable problem confirmed through research.
• Used to investigate an individual, group of people, organization, or event.
• Used to mostly answer "how" and "why" questions.

What are the different types of case studies?

Note: These are the primary case studies. As you continue to research and learn

about case studies you will begin to find a robust list of different types. 

Who are your case study participants?

What is triangulation ? 

Validity and credibility are an essential part of the case study. Therefore, the researcher should include triangulation to ensure trustworthiness while accurately reflecting what the researcher seeks to investigate.

How to write a Case Study?

When developing a case study, there are different ways you could present the information, but remember to include the five parts for your case study.

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Quantitative study designs: Case Studies/ Case Report/ Case Series

Quantitative study designs.

• Introduction
• Cohort Studies
• Randomised Controlled Trial
• Case Control
• Cross-Sectional Studies
• Study Designs Home

Case Study / Case Report / Case Series

Some famous examples of case studies are John Martin Marlow’s case study on Phineas Gage (the man who had a railway spike through his head) and Sigmund Freud’s case studies, Little Hans and The Rat Man. Case studies are widely used in psychology to provide insight into unusual conditions.

A case study, also known as a case report, is an in depth or intensive study of a single individual or specific group, while a case series is a grouping of similar case studies / case reports together.

A case study / case report can be used in the following instances:

• where there is atypical or abnormal behaviour or development
• an unexplained outcome to treatment
• an emerging disease or condition

The stages of a Case Study / Case Report / Case Series

Which clinical questions does Case Study / Case Report / Case Series best answer?

Emerging conditions, adverse reactions to treatments, atypical / abnormal behaviour, new programs or methods of treatment – all of these can be answered with case studies /case reports / case series. They are generally descriptive studies based on qualitative data e.g. observations, interviews, questionnaires, diaries, personal notes or clinical notes.

What are the advantages and disadvantages to consider when using Case Studies/ Case Reports and Case Series ?

What are the pitfalls to look for.

One pitfall that has occurred in some case studies is where two common conditions/treatments have been linked together with no comprehensive data backing up the conclusion. A hypothetical example could be where high rates of the common cold were associated with suicide when the cohort also suffered from depression.

Critical appraisal tools 

To assist with critically appraising Case studies / Case reports / Case series there are some tools / checklists you can use.

JBI Critical Appraisal Checklist for Case Series

JBI Critical Appraisal Checklist for Case Reports

Real World Examples

Some Psychology case study / case report / case series examples

Capp, G. (2015). Our community, our schools : A case study of program design for school-based mental health services. Children & Schools, 37(4), 241–248. A pilot program to improve school based mental health services was instigated in one elementary school and one middle / high school. The case study followed the program from development through to implementation, documenting each step of the process.

Cowdrey, F. A. & Walz, L. (2015). Exposure therapy for fear of spiders in an adult with learning disabilities: A case report. British Journal of Learning Disabilities, 43(1), 75–82. One person was studied who had completed a pre- intervention and post- intervention questionnaire. From the results of this data the exposure therapy intervention was found to be effective in reducing the phobia. This case report highlighted a therapy that could be used to assist people with learning disabilities who also suffered from phobias.

Li, H. X., He, L., Zhang, C. C., Eisinger, R., Pan, Y. X., Wang, T., . . . Li, D. Y. (2019). Deep brain stimulation in post‐traumatic dystonia: A case series study. CNS Neuroscience & Therapeutics. 1-8. Five patients were included in the case series, all with the same condition. They all received deep brain stimulation but not in the same area of the brain. Baseline and last follow up visit were assessed with the same rating scale.

References and Further Reading  

Greenhalgh, T. (2014). How to read a paper: the basics of evidence-based medicine. (5th ed.). New York: Wiley.

Heale, R. & Twycross, A. (2018). What is a case study? Evidence Based Nursing, 21(1), 7-8.

Himmelfarb Health Sciences Library. (2019). Study design 101: case report. Retrieved from https://himmelfarb.gwu.edu/tutorials/studydesign101/casereports.cfm

Hoffmann T., Bennett S., Mar C. D. (2017). Evidence-based practice across the health professions. Chatswood, NSW: Elsevier.

Robinson, O. C., & McAdams, D. P. (2015). Four functional roles for case studies in emerging adulthood research. Emerging Adulthood, 3(6), 413-420.

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• Open access
• Published: 27 June 2011

The case study approach

• Sarah Crowe 1 ,
• Kathrin Cresswell 2 ,
• Ann Robertson 2 ,
• Guro Huby 3 ,
• Anthony Avery 1 &
• Aziz Sheikh 2  

BMC Medical Research Methodology volume  11 , Article number:  100 ( 2011 ) Cite this article

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The case study approach allows in-depth, multi-faceted explorations of complex issues in their real-life settings. The value of the case study approach is well recognised in the fields of business, law and policy, but somewhat less so in health services research. Based on our experiences of conducting several health-related case studies, we reflect on the different types of case study design, the specific research questions this approach can help answer, the data sources that tend to be used, and the particular advantages and disadvantages of employing this methodological approach. The paper concludes with key pointers to aid those designing and appraising proposals for conducting case study research, and a checklist to help readers assess the quality of case study reports.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

The case study approach is particularly useful to employ when there is a need to obtain an in-depth appreciation of an issue, event or phenomenon of interest, in its natural real-life context. Our aim in writing this piece is to provide insights into when to consider employing this approach and an overview of key methodological considerations in relation to the design, planning, analysis, interpretation and reporting of case studies.

The illustrative 'grand round', 'case report' and 'case series' have a long tradition in clinical practice and research. Presenting detailed critiques, typically of one or more patients, aims to provide insights into aspects of the clinical case and, in doing so, illustrate broader lessons that may be learnt. In research, the conceptually-related case study approach can be used, for example, to describe in detail a patient's episode of care, explore professional attitudes to and experiences of a new policy initiative or service development or more generally to 'investigate contemporary phenomena within its real-life context' [ 1 ]. Based on our experiences of conducting a range of case studies, we reflect on when to consider using this approach, discuss the key steps involved and illustrate, with examples, some of the practical challenges of attaining an in-depth understanding of a 'case' as an integrated whole. In keeping with previously published work, we acknowledge the importance of theory to underpin the design, selection, conduct and interpretation of case studies[ 2 ]. In so doing, we make passing reference to the different epistemological approaches used in case study research by key theoreticians and methodologists in this field of enquiry.

This paper is structured around the following main questions: What is a case study? What are case studies used for? How are case studies conducted? What are the potential pitfalls and how can these be avoided? We draw in particular on four of our own recently published examples of case studies (see Tables 1 , 2 , 3 and 4 ) and those of others to illustrate our discussion[ 3 – 7 ].

What is a case study?

A case study is a research approach that is used to generate an in-depth, multi-faceted understanding of a complex issue in its real-life context. It is an established research design that is used extensively in a wide variety of disciplines, particularly in the social sciences. A case study can be defined in a variety of ways (Table 5 ), the central tenet being the need to explore an event or phenomenon in depth and in its natural context. It is for this reason sometimes referred to as a "naturalistic" design; this is in contrast to an "experimental" design (such as a randomised controlled trial) in which the investigator seeks to exert control over and manipulate the variable(s) of interest.

Stake's work has been particularly influential in defining the case study approach to scientific enquiry. He has helpfully characterised three main types of case study: intrinsic , instrumental and collective [ 8 ]. An intrinsic case study is typically undertaken to learn about a unique phenomenon. The researcher should define the uniqueness of the phenomenon, which distinguishes it from all others. In contrast, the instrumental case study uses a particular case (some of which may be better than others) to gain a broader appreciation of an issue or phenomenon. The collective case study involves studying multiple cases simultaneously or sequentially in an attempt to generate a still broader appreciation of a particular issue.

These are however not necessarily mutually exclusive categories. In the first of our examples (Table 1 ), we undertook an intrinsic case study to investigate the issue of recruitment of minority ethnic people into the specific context of asthma research studies, but it developed into a instrumental case study through seeking to understand the issue of recruitment of these marginalised populations more generally, generating a number of the findings that are potentially transferable to other disease contexts[ 3 ]. In contrast, the other three examples (see Tables 2 , 3 and 4 ) employed collective case study designs to study the introduction of workforce reconfiguration in primary care, the implementation of electronic health records into hospitals, and to understand the ways in which healthcare students learn about patient safety considerations[ 4 – 6 ]. Although our study focusing on the introduction of General Practitioners with Specialist Interests (Table 2 ) was explicitly collective in design (four contrasting primary care organisations were studied), is was also instrumental in that this particular professional group was studied as an exemplar of the more general phenomenon of workforce redesign[ 4 ].

What are case studies used for?

According to Yin, case studies can be used to explain, describe or explore events or phenomena in the everyday contexts in which they occur[ 1 ]. These can, for example, help to understand and explain causal links and pathways resulting from a new policy initiative or service development (see Tables 2 and 3 , for example)[ 1 ]. In contrast to experimental designs, which seek to test a specific hypothesis through deliberately manipulating the environment (like, for example, in a randomised controlled trial giving a new drug to randomly selected individuals and then comparing outcomes with controls),[ 9 ] the case study approach lends itself well to capturing information on more explanatory ' how ', 'what' and ' why ' questions, such as ' how is the intervention being implemented and received on the ground?'. The case study approach can offer additional insights into what gaps exist in its delivery or why one implementation strategy might be chosen over another. This in turn can help develop or refine theory, as shown in our study of the teaching of patient safety in undergraduate curricula (Table 4 )[ 6 , 10 ]. Key questions to consider when selecting the most appropriate study design are whether it is desirable or indeed possible to undertake a formal experimental investigation in which individuals and/or organisations are allocated to an intervention or control arm? Or whether the wish is to obtain a more naturalistic understanding of an issue? The former is ideally studied using a controlled experimental design, whereas the latter is more appropriately studied using a case study design.

Case studies may be approached in different ways depending on the epistemological standpoint of the researcher, that is, whether they take a critical (questioning one's own and others' assumptions), interpretivist (trying to understand individual and shared social meanings) or positivist approach (orientating towards the criteria of natural sciences, such as focusing on generalisability considerations) (Table 6 ). Whilst such a schema can be conceptually helpful, it may be appropriate to draw on more than one approach in any case study, particularly in the context of conducting health services research. Doolin has, for example, noted that in the context of undertaking interpretative case studies, researchers can usefully draw on a critical, reflective perspective which seeks to take into account the wider social and political environment that has shaped the case[ 11 ].

How are case studies conducted?

Here, we focus on the main stages of research activity when planning and undertaking a case study; the crucial stages are: defining the case; selecting the case(s); collecting and analysing the data; interpreting data; and reporting the findings.

Defining the case

Carefully formulated research question(s), informed by the existing literature and a prior appreciation of the theoretical issues and setting(s), are all important in appropriately and succinctly defining the case[ 8 , 12 ]. Crucially, each case should have a pre-defined boundary which clarifies the nature and time period covered by the case study (i.e. its scope, beginning and end), the relevant social group, organisation or geographical area of interest to the investigator, the types of evidence to be collected, and the priorities for data collection and analysis (see Table 7 )[ 1 ]. A theory driven approach to defining the case may help generate knowledge that is potentially transferable to a range of clinical contexts and behaviours; using theory is also likely to result in a more informed appreciation of, for example, how and why interventions have succeeded or failed[ 13 ].

For example, in our evaluation of the introduction of electronic health records in English hospitals (Table 3 ), we defined our cases as the NHS Trusts that were receiving the new technology[ 5 ]. Our focus was on how the technology was being implemented. However, if the primary research interest had been on the social and organisational dimensions of implementation, we might have defined our case differently as a grouping of healthcare professionals (e.g. doctors and/or nurses). The precise beginning and end of the case may however prove difficult to define. Pursuing this same example, when does the process of implementation and adoption of an electronic health record system really begin or end? Such judgements will inevitably be influenced by a range of factors, including the research question, theory of interest, the scope and richness of the gathered data and the resources available to the research team.

Selecting the case(s)

The decision on how to select the case(s) to study is a very important one that merits some reflection. In an intrinsic case study, the case is selected on its own merits[ 8 ]. The case is selected not because it is representative of other cases, but because of its uniqueness, which is of genuine interest to the researchers. This was, for example, the case in our study of the recruitment of minority ethnic participants into asthma research (Table 1 ) as our earlier work had demonstrated the marginalisation of minority ethnic people with asthma, despite evidence of disproportionate asthma morbidity[ 14 , 15 ]. In another example of an intrinsic case study, Hellstrom et al.[ 16 ] studied an elderly married couple living with dementia to explore how dementia had impacted on their understanding of home, their everyday life and their relationships.

For an instrumental case study, selecting a "typical" case can work well[ 8 ]. In contrast to the intrinsic case study, the particular case which is chosen is of less importance than selecting a case that allows the researcher to investigate an issue or phenomenon. For example, in order to gain an understanding of doctors' responses to health policy initiatives, Som undertook an instrumental case study interviewing clinicians who had a range of responsibilities for clinical governance in one NHS acute hospital trust[ 17 ]. Sampling a "deviant" or "atypical" case may however prove even more informative, potentially enabling the researcher to identify causal processes, generate hypotheses and develop theory.

In collective or multiple case studies, a number of cases are carefully selected. This offers the advantage of allowing comparisons to be made across several cases and/or replication. Choosing a "typical" case may enable the findings to be generalised to theory (i.e. analytical generalisation) or to test theory by replicating the findings in a second or even a third case (i.e. replication logic)[ 1 ]. Yin suggests two or three literal replications (i.e. predicting similar results) if the theory is straightforward and five or more if the theory is more subtle. However, critics might argue that selecting 'cases' in this way is insufficiently reflexive and ill-suited to the complexities of contemporary healthcare organisations.

The selected case study site(s) should allow the research team access to the group of individuals, the organisation, the processes or whatever else constitutes the chosen unit of analysis for the study. Access is therefore a central consideration; the researcher needs to come to know the case study site(s) well and to work cooperatively with them. Selected cases need to be not only interesting but also hospitable to the inquiry [ 8 ] if they are to be informative and answer the research question(s). Case study sites may also be pre-selected for the researcher, with decisions being influenced by key stakeholders. For example, our selection of case study sites in the evaluation of the implementation and adoption of electronic health record systems (see Table 3 ) was heavily influenced by NHS Connecting for Health, the government agency that was responsible for overseeing the National Programme for Information Technology (NPfIT)[ 5 ]. This prominent stakeholder had already selected the NHS sites (through a competitive bidding process) to be early adopters of the electronic health record systems and had negotiated contracts that detailed the deployment timelines.

It is also important to consider in advance the likely burden and risks associated with participation for those who (or the site(s) which) comprise the case study. Of particular importance is the obligation for the researcher to think through the ethical implications of the study (e.g. the risk of inadvertently breaching anonymity or confidentiality) and to ensure that potential participants/participating sites are provided with sufficient information to make an informed choice about joining the study. The outcome of providing this information might be that the emotive burden associated with participation, or the organisational disruption associated with supporting the fieldwork, is considered so high that the individuals or sites decide against participation.

In our example of evaluating implementations of electronic health record systems, given the restricted number of early adopter sites available to us, we sought purposively to select a diverse range of implementation cases among those that were available[ 5 ]. We chose a mixture of teaching, non-teaching and Foundation Trust hospitals, and examples of each of the three electronic health record systems procured centrally by the NPfIT. At one recruited site, it quickly became apparent that access was problematic because of competing demands on that organisation. Recognising the importance of full access and co-operative working for generating rich data, the research team decided not to pursue work at that site and instead to focus on other recruited sites.

Collecting the data

In order to develop a thorough understanding of the case, the case study approach usually involves the collection of multiple sources of evidence, using a range of quantitative (e.g. questionnaires, audits and analysis of routinely collected healthcare data) and more commonly qualitative techniques (e.g. interviews, focus groups and observations). The use of multiple sources of data (data triangulation) has been advocated as a way of increasing the internal validity of a study (i.e. the extent to which the method is appropriate to answer the research question)[ 8 , 18 – 21 ]. An underlying assumption is that data collected in different ways should lead to similar conclusions, and approaching the same issue from different angles can help develop a holistic picture of the phenomenon (Table 2 )[ 4 ].

Brazier and colleagues used a mixed-methods case study approach to investigate the impact of a cancer care programme[ 22 ]. Here, quantitative measures were collected with questionnaires before, and five months after, the start of the intervention which did not yield any statistically significant results. Qualitative interviews with patients however helped provide an insight into potentially beneficial process-related aspects of the programme, such as greater, perceived patient involvement in care. The authors reported how this case study approach provided a number of contextual factors likely to influence the effectiveness of the intervention and which were not likely to have been obtained from quantitative methods alone.

In collective or multiple case studies, data collection needs to be flexible enough to allow a detailed description of each individual case to be developed (e.g. the nature of different cancer care programmes), before considering the emerging similarities and differences in cross-case comparisons (e.g. to explore why one programme is more effective than another). It is important that data sources from different cases are, where possible, broadly comparable for this purpose even though they may vary in nature and depth.

Analysing, interpreting and reporting case studies

Making sense and offering a coherent interpretation of the typically disparate sources of data (whether qualitative alone or together with quantitative) is far from straightforward. Repeated reviewing and sorting of the voluminous and detail-rich data are integral to the process of analysis. In collective case studies, it is helpful to analyse data relating to the individual component cases first, before making comparisons across cases. Attention needs to be paid to variations within each case and, where relevant, the relationship between different causes, effects and outcomes[ 23 ]. Data will need to be organised and coded to allow the key issues, both derived from the literature and emerging from the dataset, to be easily retrieved at a later stage. An initial coding frame can help capture these issues and can be applied systematically to the whole dataset with the aid of a qualitative data analysis software package.

The Framework approach is a practical approach, comprising of five stages (familiarisation; identifying a thematic framework; indexing; charting; mapping and interpretation) , to managing and analysing large datasets particularly if time is limited, as was the case in our study of recruitment of South Asians into asthma research (Table 1 )[ 3 , 24 ]. Theoretical frameworks may also play an important role in integrating different sources of data and examining emerging themes. For example, we drew on a socio-technical framework to help explain the connections between different elements - technology; people; and the organisational settings within which they worked - in our study of the introduction of electronic health record systems (Table 3 )[ 5 ]. Our study of patient safety in undergraduate curricula drew on an evaluation-based approach to design and analysis, which emphasised the importance of the academic, organisational and practice contexts through which students learn (Table 4 )[ 6 ].

Case study findings can have implications both for theory development and theory testing. They may establish, strengthen or weaken historical explanations of a case and, in certain circumstances, allow theoretical (as opposed to statistical) generalisation beyond the particular cases studied[ 12 ]. These theoretical lenses should not, however, constitute a strait-jacket and the cases should not be "forced to fit" the particular theoretical framework that is being employed.

When reporting findings, it is important to provide the reader with enough contextual information to understand the processes that were followed and how the conclusions were reached. In a collective case study, researchers may choose to present the findings from individual cases separately before amalgamating across cases. Care must be taken to ensure the anonymity of both case sites and individual participants (if agreed in advance) by allocating appropriate codes or withholding descriptors. In the example given in Table 3 , we decided against providing detailed information on the NHS sites and individual participants in order to avoid the risk of inadvertent disclosure of identities[ 5 , 25 ].

What are the potential pitfalls and how can these be avoided?

The case study approach is, as with all research, not without its limitations. When investigating the formal and informal ways undergraduate students learn about patient safety (Table 4 ), for example, we rapidly accumulated a large quantity of data. The volume of data, together with the time restrictions in place, impacted on the depth of analysis that was possible within the available resources. This highlights a more general point of the importance of avoiding the temptation to collect as much data as possible; adequate time also needs to be set aside for data analysis and interpretation of what are often highly complex datasets.

Case study research has sometimes been criticised for lacking scientific rigour and providing little basis for generalisation (i.e. producing findings that may be transferable to other settings)[ 1 ]. There are several ways to address these concerns, including: the use of theoretical sampling (i.e. drawing on a particular conceptual framework); respondent validation (i.e. participants checking emerging findings and the researcher's interpretation, and providing an opinion as to whether they feel these are accurate); and transparency throughout the research process (see Table 8 )[ 8 , 18 – 21 , 23 , 26 ]. Transparency can be achieved by describing in detail the steps involved in case selection, data collection, the reasons for the particular methods chosen, and the researcher's background and level of involvement (i.e. being explicit about how the researcher has influenced data collection and interpretation). Seeking potential, alternative explanations, and being explicit about how interpretations and conclusions were reached, help readers to judge the trustworthiness of the case study report. Stake provides a critique checklist for a case study report (Table 9 )[ 8 ].

Conclusions

The case study approach allows, amongst other things, critical events, interventions, policy developments and programme-based service reforms to be studied in detail in a real-life context. It should therefore be considered when an experimental design is either inappropriate to answer the research questions posed or impossible to undertake. Considering the frequency with which implementations of innovations are now taking place in healthcare settings and how well the case study approach lends itself to in-depth, complex health service research, we believe this approach should be more widely considered by researchers. Though inherently challenging, the research case study can, if carefully conceptualised and thoughtfully undertaken and reported, yield powerful insights into many important aspects of health and healthcare delivery.

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Acknowledgements

We are grateful to the participants and colleagues who contributed to the individual case studies that we have drawn on. This work received no direct funding, but it has been informed by projects funded by Asthma UK, the NHS Service Delivery Organisation, NHS Connecting for Health Evaluation Programme, and Patient Safety Research Portfolio. We would also like to thank the expert reviewers for their insightful and constructive feedback. Our thanks are also due to Dr. Allison Worth who commented on an earlier draft of this manuscript.

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AS conceived this article. SC, KC and AR wrote this paper with GH, AA and AS all commenting on various drafts. SC and AS are guarantors.

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The Ultimate Guide to Qualitative Research - Part 1: The Basics

• Introduction and overview
• What is qualitative research?
• What is qualitative data?
• Examples of qualitative data
• Qualitative vs. quantitative research
• Mixed methods
• Qualitative research preparation
• Theoretical perspective
• Theoretical framework
• Literature reviews

Research question

• Conceptual framework
• Conceptual vs. theoretical framework

Data collection

• Qualitative research methods
• Focus groups
• Observational research

What is a case study?

Applications for case study research, what is a good case study, process of case study design, benefits and limitations of case studies.

• Ethnographical research
• Ethical considerations
• Confidentiality and privacy
• Power dynamics
• Reflexivity

Case studies

Case studies are essential to qualitative research , offering a lens through which researchers can investigate complex phenomena within their real-life contexts. This chapter explores the concept, purpose, applications, examples, and types of case studies and provides guidance on how to conduct case study research effectively.

Whereas quantitative methods look at phenomena at scale, case study research looks at a concept or phenomenon in considerable detail. While analyzing a single case can help understand one perspective regarding the object of research inquiry, analyzing multiple cases can help obtain a more holistic sense of the topic or issue. Let's provide a basic definition of a case study, then explore its characteristics and role in the qualitative research process.

Definition of a case study

A case study in qualitative research is a strategy of inquiry that involves an in-depth investigation of a phenomenon within its real-world context. It provides researchers with the opportunity to acquire an in-depth understanding of intricate details that might not be as apparent or accessible through other methods of research. The specific case or cases being studied can be a single person, group, or organization – demarcating what constitutes a relevant case worth studying depends on the researcher and their research question .

Among qualitative research methods , a case study relies on multiple sources of evidence, such as documents, artifacts, interviews , or observations , to present a complete and nuanced understanding of the phenomenon under investigation. The objective is to illuminate the readers' understanding of the phenomenon beyond its abstract statistical or theoretical explanations.

Characteristics of case studies

Case studies typically possess a number of distinct characteristics that set them apart from other research methods. These characteristics include a focus on holistic description and explanation, flexibility in the design and data collection methods, reliance on multiple sources of evidence, and emphasis on the context in which the phenomenon occurs.

Furthermore, case studies can often involve a longitudinal examination of the case, meaning they study the case over a period of time. These characteristics allow case studies to yield comprehensive, in-depth, and richly contextualized insights about the phenomenon of interest.

The role of case studies in research

Case studies hold a unique position in the broader landscape of research methods aimed at theory development. They are instrumental when the primary research interest is to gain an intensive, detailed understanding of a phenomenon in its real-life context.

In addition, case studies can serve different purposes within research - they can be used for exploratory, descriptive, or explanatory purposes, depending on the research question and objectives. This flexibility and depth make case studies a valuable tool in the toolkit of qualitative researchers.

Remember, a well-conducted case study can offer a rich, insightful contribution to both academic and practical knowledge through theory development or theory verification, thus enhancing our understanding of complex phenomena in their real-world contexts.

What is the purpose of a case study?

Case study research aims for a more comprehensive understanding of phenomena, requiring various research methods to gather information for qualitative analysis . Ultimately, a case study can allow the researcher to gain insight into a particular object of inquiry and develop a theoretical framework relevant to the research inquiry.

Why use case studies in qualitative research?

Using case studies as a research strategy depends mainly on the nature of the research question and the researcher's access to the data.

Conducting case study research provides a level of detail and contextual richness that other research methods might not offer. They are beneficial when there's a need to understand complex social phenomena within their natural contexts.

The explanatory, exploratory, and descriptive roles of case studies

Case studies can take on various roles depending on the research objectives. They can be exploratory when the research aims to discover new phenomena or define new research questions; they are descriptive when the objective is to depict a phenomenon within its context in a detailed manner; and they can be explanatory if the goal is to understand specific relationships within the studied context. Thus, the versatility of case studies allows researchers to approach their topic from different angles, offering multiple ways to uncover and interpret the data .

The impact of case studies on knowledge development

Case studies play a significant role in knowledge development across various disciplines. Analysis of cases provides an avenue for researchers to explore phenomena within their context based on the collected data.

This can result in the production of rich, practical insights that can be instrumental in both theory-building and practice. Case studies allow researchers to delve into the intricacies and complexities of real-life situations, uncovering insights that might otherwise remain hidden.

Types of case studies

In qualitative research , a case study is not a one-size-fits-all approach. Depending on the nature of the research question and the specific objectives of the study, researchers might choose to use different types of case studies. These types differ in their focus, methodology, and the level of detail they provide about the phenomenon under investigation.

Understanding these types is crucial for selecting the most appropriate approach for your research project and effectively achieving your research goals. Let's briefly look at the main types of case studies.

Exploratory case studies

Exploratory case studies are typically conducted to develop a theory or framework around an understudied phenomenon. They can also serve as a precursor to a larger-scale research project. Exploratory case studies are useful when a researcher wants to identify the key issues or questions which can spur more extensive study or be used to develop propositions for further research. These case studies are characterized by flexibility, allowing researchers to explore various aspects of a phenomenon as they emerge, which can also form the foundation for subsequent studies.

Descriptive case studies

Descriptive case studies aim to provide a complete and accurate representation of a phenomenon or event within its context. These case studies are often based on an established theoretical framework, which guides how data is collected and analyzed. The researcher is concerned with describing the phenomenon in detail, as it occurs naturally, without trying to influence or manipulate it.

Explanatory case studies

Explanatory case studies are focused on explanation - they seek to clarify how or why certain phenomena occur. Often used in complex, real-life situations, they can be particularly valuable in clarifying causal relationships among concepts and understanding the interplay between different factors within a specific context.

Intrinsic, instrumental, and collective case studies

These three categories of case studies focus on the nature and purpose of the study. An intrinsic case study is conducted when a researcher has an inherent interest in the case itself. Instrumental case studies are employed when the case is used to provide insight into a particular issue or phenomenon. A collective case study, on the other hand, involves studying multiple cases simultaneously to investigate some general phenomena.

Each type of case study serves a different purpose and has its own strengths and challenges. The selection of the type should be guided by the research question and objectives, as well as the context and constraints of the research.

The flexibility, depth, and contextual richness offered by case studies make this approach an excellent research method for various fields of study. They enable researchers to investigate real-world phenomena within their specific contexts, capturing nuances that other research methods might miss. Across numerous fields, case studies provide valuable insights into complex issues.

Critical information systems research

Case studies provide a detailed understanding of the role and impact of information systems in different contexts. They offer a platform to explore how information systems are designed, implemented, and used and how they interact with various social, economic, and political factors. Case studies in this field often focus on examining the intricate relationship between technology, organizational processes, and user behavior, helping to uncover insights that can inform better system design and implementation.

Health research

Health research is another field where case studies are highly valuable. They offer a way to explore patient experiences, healthcare delivery processes, and the impact of various interventions in a real-world context.

Case studies can provide a deep understanding of a patient's journey, giving insights into the intricacies of disease progression, treatment effects, and the psychosocial aspects of health and illness.

Asthma research studies

Specifically within medical research, studies on asthma often employ case studies to explore the individual and environmental factors that influence asthma development, management, and outcomes. A case study can provide rich, detailed data about individual patients' experiences, from the triggers and symptoms they experience to the effectiveness of various management strategies. This can be crucial for developing patient-centered asthma care approaches.

Other fields

Apart from the fields mentioned, case studies are also extensively used in business and management research, education research, and political sciences, among many others. They provide an opportunity to delve into the intricacies of real-world situations, allowing for a comprehensive understanding of various phenomena.

Case studies, with their depth and contextual focus, offer unique insights across these varied fields. They allow researchers to illuminate the complexities of real-life situations, contributing to both theory and practice.

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Understanding the key elements of case study design is crucial for conducting rigorous and impactful case study research. A well-structured design guides the researcher through the process, ensuring that the study is methodologically sound and its findings are reliable and valid. The main elements of case study design include the research question , propositions, units of analysis, and the logic linking the data to the propositions.

The research question is the foundation of any research study. A good research question guides the direction of the study and informs the selection of the case, the methods of collecting data, and the analysis techniques. A well-formulated research question in case study research is typically clear, focused, and complex enough to merit further detailed examination of the relevant case(s).

Propositions

Propositions, though not necessary in every case study, provide a direction by stating what we might expect to find in the data collected. They guide how data is collected and analyzed by helping researchers focus on specific aspects of the case. They are particularly important in explanatory case studies, which seek to understand the relationships among concepts within the studied phenomenon.

Units of analysis

The unit of analysis refers to the case, or the main entity or entities that are being analyzed in the study. In case study research, the unit of analysis can be an individual, a group, an organization, a decision, an event, or even a time period. It's crucial to clearly define the unit of analysis, as it shapes the qualitative data analysis process by allowing the researcher to analyze a particular case and synthesize analysis across multiple case studies to draw conclusions.

Argumentation

This refers to the inferential model that allows researchers to draw conclusions from the data. The researcher needs to ensure that there is a clear link between the data, the propositions (if any), and the conclusions drawn. This argumentation is what enables the researcher to make valid and credible inferences about the phenomenon under study.

Understanding and carefully considering these elements in the design phase of a case study can significantly enhance the quality of the research. It can help ensure that the study is methodologically sound and its findings contribute meaningful insights about the case.

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Conducting a case study involves several steps, from defining the research question and selecting the case to collecting and analyzing data . This section outlines these key stages, providing a practical guide on how to conduct case study research.

Defining the research question

The first step in case study research is defining a clear, focused research question. This question should guide the entire research process, from case selection to analysis. It's crucial to ensure that the research question is suitable for a case study approach. Typically, such questions are exploratory or descriptive in nature and focus on understanding a phenomenon within its real-life context.

Selecting and defining the case

The selection of the case should be based on the research question and the objectives of the study. It involves choosing a unique example or a set of examples that provide rich, in-depth data about the phenomenon under investigation. After selecting the case, it's crucial to define it clearly, setting the boundaries of the case, including the time period and the specific context.

Previous research can help guide the case study design. When considering a case study, an example of a case could be taken from previous case study research and used to define cases in a new research inquiry. Considering recently published examples can help understand how to select and define cases effectively.

Developing a detailed case study protocol

A case study protocol outlines the procedures and general rules to be followed during the case study. This includes the data collection methods to be used, the sources of data, and the procedures for analysis. Having a detailed case study protocol ensures consistency and reliability in the study.

The protocol should also consider how to work with the people involved in the research context to grant the research team access to collecting data. As mentioned in previous sections of this guide, establishing rapport is an essential component of qualitative research as it shapes the overall potential for collecting and analyzing data.

Collecting data

Gathering data in case study research often involves multiple sources of evidence, including documents, archival records, interviews, observations, and physical artifacts. This allows for a comprehensive understanding of the case. The process for gathering data should be systematic and carefully documented to ensure the reliability and validity of the study.

Analyzing and interpreting data

The next step is analyzing the data. This involves organizing the data , categorizing it into themes or patterns , and interpreting these patterns to answer the research question. The analysis might also involve comparing the findings with prior research or theoretical propositions.

Writing the case study report

The final step is writing the case study report . This should provide a detailed description of the case, the data, the analysis process, and the findings. The report should be clear, organized, and carefully written to ensure that the reader can understand the case and the conclusions drawn from it.

Each of these steps is crucial in ensuring that the case study research is rigorous, reliable, and provides valuable insights about the case.

The type, depth, and quality of data in your study can significantly influence the validity and utility of the study. In case study research, data is usually collected from multiple sources to provide a comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the case. This section will outline the various methods of collecting data used in case study research and discuss considerations for ensuring the quality of the data.

Interviews are a common method of gathering data in case study research. They can provide rich, in-depth data about the perspectives, experiences, and interpretations of the individuals involved in the case. Interviews can be structured , semi-structured , or unstructured , depending on the research question and the degree of flexibility needed.

Observations

Observations involve the researcher observing the case in its natural setting, providing first-hand information about the case and its context. Observations can provide data that might not be revealed in interviews or documents, such as non-verbal cues or contextual information.

Documents and artifacts

Documents and archival records provide a valuable source of data in case study research. They can include reports, letters, memos, meeting minutes, email correspondence, and various public and private documents related to the case.

These records can provide historical context, corroborate evidence from other sources, and offer insights into the case that might not be apparent from interviews or observations.

Physical artifacts refer to any physical evidence related to the case, such as tools, products, or physical environments. These artifacts can provide tangible insights into the case, complementing the data gathered from other sources.

Ensuring the quality of data collection

Determining the quality of data in case study research requires careful planning and execution. It's crucial to ensure that the data is reliable, accurate, and relevant to the research question. This involves selecting appropriate methods of collecting data, properly training interviewers or observers, and systematically recording and storing the data. It also includes considering ethical issues related to collecting and handling data, such as obtaining informed consent and ensuring the privacy and confidentiality of the participants.

Data analysis

Analyzing case study research involves making sense of the rich, detailed data to answer the research question. This process can be challenging due to the volume and complexity of case study data. However, a systematic and rigorous approach to analysis can ensure that the findings are credible and meaningful. This section outlines the main steps and considerations in analyzing data in case study research.

Organizing the data

The first step in the analysis is organizing the data. This involves sorting the data into manageable sections, often according to the data source or the theme. This step can also involve transcribing interviews, digitizing physical artifacts, or organizing observational data.

Categorizing and coding the data

Once the data is organized, the next step is to categorize or code the data. This involves identifying common themes, patterns, or concepts in the data and assigning codes to relevant data segments. Coding can be done manually or with the help of software tools, and in either case, qualitative analysis software can greatly facilitate the entire coding process. Coding helps to reduce the data to a set of themes or categories that can be more easily analyzed.

Identifying patterns and themes

After coding the data, the researcher looks for patterns or themes in the coded data. This involves comparing and contrasting the codes and looking for relationships or patterns among them. The identified patterns and themes should help answer the research question.

Interpreting the data

Once patterns and themes have been identified, the next step is to interpret these findings. This involves explaining what the patterns or themes mean in the context of the research question and the case. This interpretation should be grounded in the data, but it can also involve drawing on theoretical concepts or prior research.

Verification of the data

The last step in the analysis is verification. This involves checking the accuracy and consistency of the analysis process and confirming that the findings are supported by the data. This can involve re-checking the original data, checking the consistency of codes, or seeking feedback from research participants or peers.

Like any research method , case study research has its strengths and limitations. Researchers must be aware of these, as they can influence the design, conduct, and interpretation of the study.

Understanding the strengths and limitations of case study research can also guide researchers in deciding whether this approach is suitable for their research question . This section outlines some of the key strengths and limitations of case study research.

Benefits include the following:

• Rich, detailed data: One of the main strengths of case study research is that it can generate rich, detailed data about the case. This can provide a deep understanding of the case and its context, which can be valuable in exploring complex phenomena.
• Flexibility: Case study research is flexible in terms of design , data collection , and analysis . A sufficient degree of flexibility allows the researcher to adapt the study according to the case and the emerging findings.
• Real-world context: Case study research involves studying the case in its real-world context, which can provide valuable insights into the interplay between the case and its context.
• Multiple sources of evidence: Case study research often involves collecting data from multiple sources , which can enhance the robustness and validity of the findings.

On the other hand, researchers should consider the following limitations:

• Generalizability: A common criticism of case study research is that its findings might not be generalizable to other cases due to the specificity and uniqueness of each case.
• Time and resource intensive: Case study research can be time and resource intensive due to the depth of the investigation and the amount of collected data.
• Complexity of analysis: The rich, detailed data generated in case study research can make analyzing the data challenging.
• Subjectivity: Given the nature of case study research, there may be a higher degree of subjectivity in interpreting the data , so researchers need to reflect on this and transparently convey to audiences how the research was conducted.

Being aware of these strengths and limitations can help researchers design and conduct case study research effectively and interpret and report the findings appropriately.

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28 Case Selection for Case‐Study Analysis: Qualitative and Quantitative Techniques

John Gerring is Professor of Political Science, Boston University.

• Published: 02 September 2009
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This article presents some guidance by cataloging nine different techniques for case selection: typical, diverse, extreme, deviant, influential, crucial, pathway, most similar, and most different. It also indicates that if the researcher is starting from a quantitative database, then methods for finding influential outliers can be used. In particular, the article clarifies the general principles that might guide the process of case selection in case-study research. Cases are more or less representative of some broader phenomenon and, on that score, may be considered better or worse subjects for intensive analysis. The article then draws attention to two ambiguities in case-selection strategies in case-study research. The first concerns the admixture of several case-selection strategies. The second concerns the changing status of a case as a study proceeds. Some case studies follow only one strategy of case selection.

Case ‐study analysis focuses on one or several cases that are expected to provide insight into a larger population. This presents the researcher with a formidable problem of case selection: Which cases should she or he choose?

In large‐sample research, the task of case selection is usually handled by some version of randomization. However, in case‐study research the sample is small (by definition) and this makes random sampling problematic, for any given sample may be wildly unrepresentative. Moreover, there is no guarantee that a few cases, chosen randomly, will provide leverage into the research question of interest.

In order to isolate a sample of cases that both reproduces the relevant causal features of a larger universe (representativeness) and provides variation along the dimensions of theoretical interest (causal leverage), case selection for very small samples must employ purposive (nonrandom) selection procedures. Nine such methods are discussed in this chapter, each of which may be identified with a distinct case‐study “type:” typical, diverse, extreme, deviant, influential, crucial, pathway, most‐similar , and most‐different . Table 28.1 summarizes each type, including its general definition, a technique for locating it within a population of potential cases, its uses, and its probable representativeness.

While each of these techniques is normally practiced on one or several cases (the diverse, most‐similar, and most‐different methods require at least two), all may employ additional cases—with the proviso that, at some point, they will no longer offer an opportunity for in‐depth analysis and will thus no longer be “case studies” in the usual sense ( Gerring 2007 , ch. 2 ). It will also be seen that small‐ N case‐selection procedures rest, at least implicitly, upon an analysis of a larger population of potential cases (as does randomization). The case(s) identified for intensive study is chosen from a population and the reasons for this choice hinge upon the way in which it is situated within that population. This is the origin of the terminology—typical, diverse, extreme, et al. It follows that case‐selection procedures in case‐study research may build upon prior cross‐case analysis and that they depend, at the very least, upon certain assumptions about the broader population.

In certain circumstances, the case‐selection procedure may be structured by a quantitative analysis of the larger population. Here, several caveats must be satisfied. First, the inference must pertain to more than a few dozen cases; otherwise, statistical analysis is problematic. Second, relevant data must be available for that population, or a significant sample of that population, on key variables, and the researcher must feel reasonably confident in the accuracy and conceptual validity of these variables. Third, all the standard assumptions of statistical research (e.g. identification, specification, robustness) must be carefully considered, and wherever possible, tested. I shall not dilate further on these familiar issues except to warn the researcher against the unreflective use of statistical techniques. 1 When these requirements are not met, the researcher must employ a qualitative approach to case selection.

The point of this chapter is to elucidate general principles that might guide the process of case selection in case‐study research, building upon earlier work by Harry Eckstein, Arend Lijphart, and others. Sometimes, these principles can be applied in a quantitative framework and sometimes they are limited to a qualitative framework. In either case, the logic of case selection remains quite similar, whether practiced in small‐ N or large‐ N contexts.

Before we begin, a bit of notation is necessary. In this chapter “ N ” refers to cases, not observations. Here, I am concerned primarily with causal inference, rather than inferences that are descriptive or predictive in nature. Thus, all hypotheses involve at least one independent variable ( X ) and one dependent variable ( Y ). For convenience, I shall label the causal factor of special theoretical interest X   1 , and the control variable, or vector of controls (if there are any), X   2 . If the writer is concerned to explain a puzzling outcome, but has no preconceptions about its causes, then the research will be described as Y‐centered . If a researcher is concerned to investigate the effects of a particular cause, with no preconceptions about what these effects might be, the research will be described as X‐centered . If a researcher is concerned to investigate a particular causal relationship, the research will be described as X   1 / Y‐centered , for it connects a particular cause with a particular outcome. 2   X ‐ or Y ‐centered research is exploratory; its purpose is to generate new hypotheses. X   1 / Y‐centered research, by contrast, is confirmatory/disconfirmatory; its purpose is to test an existing hypothesis.

1 Typical Case

In order for a focused case study to provide insight into a broader phenomenon it must be representative of a broader set of cases. It is in this context that one may speak of a typical‐case approach to case selection. The typical case exemplifies what is considered to be a typical set of values, given some general understanding of a phenomenon. By construction, the typical case is also a representative case.

Some typical cases serve an exploratory role. Here, the author chooses a case based upon a set of descriptive characteristics and then probes for causal relationships. Robert and Helen Lynd (1929/1956) selected a single city “to be as representative as possible of contemporary American life.” Specifically, they were looking for a city with

1) a temperate climate; 2) a sufficiently rapid rate of growth to ensure the presence of a plentiful assortment of the growing pains accompanying contemporary social change; 3) an industrial culture with modern, high‐speed machine production; 4) the absence of dominance of the city's industry by a single plant (i.e., not a one‐industry town); 5) a substantial local artistic life to balance its industrial activity …; and 6) the absence of any outstanding peculiarities or acute local problems which would mark the city off from the midchannel sort of American community. ( Lynd and Lynd 1929/1956 , quoted in Yin 2004 , 29–30)

After examining a number of options the Lynds decided that Muncie, Indiana, was more representative than, or at least as representative as, other midsized cities in America, thus qualifying as a typical case.

This is an inductive approach to case selection. Note that typicality may be understood according to the mean, median, or mode on a particular dimension; there may be multiple dimensions (as in the foregoing example); and each may be differently weighted (some dimensions may be more important than others). Where the selection criteria are multidimensional and a large sample of potential cases is in play, some form of factor analysis may be useful in identifying the most‐typical case(s).

However, the more common employment of the typical‐case method involves a causal model of some phenomenon of theoretical interest. Here, the researcher has identified a particular outcome ( Y ), and perhaps a specific X   1 / Y hypothesis, which she wishes to investigate. In order to do so, she looks for a typical example of that causal relationship. Intuitively, one imagines that a case selected according to the mean values of all parameters must be a typical case relative to some causal relationship. However, this is by no means assured.

Suppose that the Lynds were primarily interested in explaining feelings of trust/distrust among members of different social classes (one of the implicit research goals of the Middletown study). This outcome is likely to be affected by many factors, only some of which are included in their six selection criteria. So choosing cases with respect to a causal hypothesis involves, first of all, identifying the relevant parameters. It involves, secondly, the selection of a case that has a “typical” value relative to the overall causal model; it is well explained. Cases with untypical scores on a particular dimension (e.g. very high or very low) may still be typical examples of a causal relationship. Indeed, they may be more typical than cases whose values lie close to the mean. Thus, a descriptive understanding of typicality is quite different from a causal understanding of typicality. Since it is the latter version that is more common, I shall adopt this understanding of typicality in the remainder of the discussion.

From a qualitative perspective, causal typicality involves the selection of a case that conforms to expectations about some general causal relationship. It performs as expected. In a quantitative setting, this notion is measured by the size of a case's residual in a large‐ N cross‐case model. Typical cases lie on or near the regression line; their residuals are small. Insofar as the model is correctly specified, the size of a case's residual (i.e. the number of standard deviations that separate the actual value from the fitted value) provides a helpful clue to how representative that case is likely to be. “Outliers” are unlikely to be representative of the target population.

Of course, just because a case has a low residual does not necessarily mean that it is a representative case (with respect to the causal relationship of interest). Indeed, the issue of case representativeness is an issue that can never be definitively settled. When one refers to a “typical case” one is saying, in effect, that the probability of a case's representativeness is high, relative to other cases. This test of typicality is misleading if the statistical model is mis‐specified. And it provides little insurance against errors that are purely stochastic. A case may lie directly on the regression line but still be, in some important respect, atypical. For example, it might have an odd combination of values; the interaction of variables might be different from other cases; or additional causal mechanisms might be at work. For this reason, it is important to supplement a statistical analysis of cases with evidence drawn from the case in question (the case study itself) and with our deductive knowledge of the world. One should never judge a case solely by its residual. Yet, all other things being equal, a case with a low residual is less likely to be unusual than a case with a high residual, and to this extent the method of case selection outlined here may be a helpful guide to case‐study researchers faced with a large number of potential cases.

By way of conclusion, it should be noted that because the typical case embodies a typical value on some set of causally relevant dimensions, the variance of interest to the researcher must lie within that case. Specifically, the typical case of some phenomenon may be helpful in exploring causal mechanisms and in solving identification problems (e.g. endogeneity between X   1 and Y , an omitted variable that may account for X   1   and Y , or some other spurious causal association). Depending upon the results of the case study, the author may confirm an existing hypothesis, disconfirm that hypothesis, or reframe it in a way that is consistent with the findings of the case study. These are the uses of the typical‐case study.

2 Diverse Cases

A second case‐selection strategy has as its primary objective the achievement of maximum variance along relevant dimensions. I refer to this as a diverse‐case method. For obvious reasons, this method requires the selection of a set of cases—at minimum, two—which are intended to represent the full range of values characterizing X   1 , Y , or some particular X   1 / Y relationship. 3

Where the individual variable of interest is categorical (on/off, red/black/blue, Jewish/Protestant/Catholic), the identification of diversity is readily apparent. The investigator simply chooses one case from each category. For a continuous variable, the choices are not so obvious. However, the researcher usually chooses both extreme values (high and low), and perhaps the mean or median as well. The researcher may also look for break‐points in the distribution that seem to correspond to categorical differences among cases. Or she may follow a theoretical hunch about which threshold values count, i.e. which are likely to produce different values on Y .

Another sort of diverse case takes account of the values of multiple variables (i.e. a vector), rather than a single variable. If these variables are categorical, the identification of causal types rests upon the intersection of each category. Two dichotomous variables produce a matrix with four cells. Three trichotomous variables produce a matrix of eight cells. And so forth. If all variables are deemed relevant to the analysis, the selection of diverse cases mandates the selection of one case drawn from within each cell. Let us say that an outcome is thought to be affected by sex, race (black/white), and marital status. Here, a diverse‐case strategy of case selection would identify one case within each of these intersecting cells—a total of eight cases. Things become slightly more complicated when one or more of the factors is continuous, rather than categorical. Here, the diversity of case values do not fall neatly into cells. Rather, these cells must be created by fiat—e.g. high, medium, low.

It will be seen that where multiple variables are under consideration, the logic of diverse‐case analysis rests upon the logic of typological theorizing—where different combinations of variables are assumed to have effects on an outcome that vary across types ( Elman 2005 ; George and Bennett 2005 , 235; Lazarsfeld and Barton 1951 ). George and Smoke, for example, wish to explore different types of deterrence failure—by “fait accompli,” by “limited probe,” and by “controlled pressure.” Consequently, they wish to find cases that exemplify each type of causal mechanism. 4

Diversity may thus refer to a range of variation on X or Y , or to a particular combination of causal factors (with or without a consideration of the outcome). In each instance, the goal of case selection is to capture the full range of variation along the dimension(s) of interest.

Since diversity can mean many things, its employment in a large‐ N setting is necessarily dependent upon how this key term is defined. If it is understood to pertain only to a single variable ( X   1 or Y ), then the task is fairly simple. A categorical variable mandates the choice of at least one case from each category—two if dichotomous, three if trichotomous, and so forth. A continuous variable suggests the choice of at least one “high” and “low” value, and perhaps one drawn from the mean or median. But other choices might also be justified, according to one's hunch about the underlying causal relationship or according to natural thresholds found in the data, which may be grouped into discrete categories. Single‐variable traits are usually easy to discover in a large‐ N setting through descriptive statistics or through visual inspection of the data.

Where diversity refers to particular combinations of variables, the relevant cross‐ case technique is some version of stratified random sampling (in a probabilistic setting) or Qualitative Comparative Analysis (in a deterministic setting) ( Ragin 2000 ). If the researcher suspects that a causal relationship is affected not only by combinations of factors but also by their sequencing , then the technique of analysis must incorporate temporal elements ( Abbott 2001 ; Abbott and Forrest 1986 ; Abbott and Tsay 2000 ). Thus, the method of identifying causal types rests upon whatever method of identifying causal relationships is employed in the large‐ N sample.

Note that the identification of distinct case types is intended to identify groups of cases that are internally homogeneous (in all respects that might affect the causal relationship of interest). Thus, the choice of cases within each group should not be problematic, and may be accomplished through random sampling or purposive case selection. However, if there is suspected diversity within each category, then measures should be taken to assure that the chosen cases are typical of each category. A case study should not focus on an atypical member of a subgroup.

Indeed, considerations of diversity and typicality often go together. Thus, in a study of globalization and social welfare systems, Duane Swank (2002) first identifies three distinctive groups of welfare states: “universalistic” (social democratic), “corporatist conservative,” and “liberal.” Next, he looks within each group to find the most‐typical cases. He decides that the Nordic countries are more typical of the universalistic model than the Netherlands since the latter has “some characteristics of the occupationally based program structure and a political context of Christian Democratic‐led governments typical of the corporatist conservative nations” ( Swank 2002 , 11; see also Esping‐Andersen 1990 ). Thus, the Nordic countries are chosen as representative cases within the universalistic case type, and are accompanied in the case‐study portion of his analysis by other cases chosen to represent the other welfare state types (corporatist conservative and liberal).

Evidently, when a sample encompasses a full range of variation on relevant parameters one is likely to enhance the representativeness of that sample (relative to some population). This is a distinct advantage. Of course, the inclusion of a full range of variation may distort the actual distribution of cases across this spectrum. If there are more “high” cases than “low” cases in a population and the researcher chooses only one high case and one low case, the resulting sample of two is not perfectly representative. Even so, the diverse‐case method probably has stronger claims to representativeness than any other small‐ N sample (including the standalone typical case). The selection of diverse cases has the additional advantage of introducing variation on the key variables of interest. A set of diverse cases is, by definition, a set of cases that encompasses a range of high and low values on relevant dimensions. There is, therefore, much to recommend this method of case selection. I suspect that these advantages are commonly understood and are applied on an intuitive level by case‐study researchers. However, the lack of a recognizable name—and an explicit methodological defense—has made it difficult for case‐study researchers to utilize this method of case selection, and to do so in an explicit and self‐conscious fashion. Neologism has its uses.

3 Extreme Case

The extreme‐case method selects a case because of its extreme value on an independent ( X   1 ) or dependent ( Y ) variable of interest. Thus, studies of domestic violence may choose to focus on extreme instances of abuse ( Browne 1987 ). Studies of altruism may focus on those rare individuals who risked their lives to help others (e.g. Holocaust resisters) ( Monroe 1996 ). Studies of ethnic politics may focus on the most heterogeneous societies (e.g. Papua New Guinea) in order to better understand the role of ethnicity in a democratic setting ( Reilly 2000–1 ). Studies of industrial policy often focus on the most successful countries (i.e. the NICS) ( Deyo 1987 ). And so forth. 5

Often an extreme case corresponds to a case that is considered to be prototypical or paradigmatic of some phenomena of interest. This is because concepts are often defined by their extremes, i.e. their ideal types. Italian Fascism defines the concept of Fascism, in part, because it offered the most extreme example of that phenomenon. However, the methodological value of this case, and others like it, derives from its extremity (along some dimension of interest), not its theoretical status or its status in the literature on a subject.

The notion of “extreme” may now be defined more precisely. An extreme value is an observation that lies far away from the mean of a given distribution. This may be measured (if there are sufficient observations) by a case's “Z score”—the number of standard deviations between a case and the mean value for that sample. Extreme cases have high Z scores, and for this reason may serve as useful subjects for intensive analysis.

For a continuous variable, the distance from the mean may be in either direction (positive or negative). For a dichotomous variable (present/absent), extremeness may be interpreted as unusual . If most cases are positive along a given dimension, then a negative case constitutes an extreme case. If most cases are negative, then a positive case constitutes an extreme case. It should be clear that researchers are not simply concerned with cases where something “happened,” but also with cases where something did not. It is the rareness of the value that makes a case valuable, in this context, not its positive or negative value. 6 Thus, if one is studying state capacity, a case of state failure is probably more informative than a case of state endurance simply because the former is more unusual. Similarly, if one is interested in incest taboos a culture where the incest taboo is absent or weak is probably more useful than a culture where it is present or strong. Fascism is more important than nonfascism. And so forth. There is a good reason, therefore, why case studies of revolution tend to focus on “revolutionary” cases. Theda Skocpol (1979) had much more to learn from France than from Austro‐Hungary since France was more unusual than Austro‐Hungary within the population of nation states that Skocpol was concerned to explain. The reason is quite simple: There are fewer revolutionary cases than nonrevolutionary cases; thus, the variation that we explore as a clue to causal relationships is encapsulated in these cases, against a background of nonrevolutionary cases.

Note that the extreme‐case method of case selection appears to violate the social science folk wisdom warning us not to “select on the dependent variable.” 7 Selecting cases on the dependent variable is indeed problematic if a number of cases are chosen, all of which lie on one end of a variable's spectrum (they are all positive or negative), and if the researcher then subjects this sample to cross‐case analysis as if it were representative of a population. 8 Results for this sort of analysis would almost assuredly be biased. Moreover, there will be little variation to explain since the values of each case are explicitly constrained.

However, this is not the proper employment of the extreme‐case method. (It is more appropriately labeled an extreme‐ sample method.) The extreme‐case method actually refers back to a larger sample of cases that lie in the background of the analysis and provide a full range of variation as well as a more representative picture of the population. It is a self‐conscious attempt to maximize variance on the dimension of interest, not to minimize it. If this population of cases is well understood— either through the author's own cross‐case analysis, through the work of others, or through common sense—then a researcher may justify the selection of a single case exemplifying an extreme value for within‐case analysis. If not, the researcher may be well advised to follow a diverse‐case method, as discussed above.

By way of conclusion, let us return to the problem of representativeness. It will be seen that an extreme case may be typical or deviant. There is simply no way to tell because the researcher has not yet specified an X   1 / Y causal proposition. Once such a causal proposition has been specified one may then ask whether the case in question is similar to some population of cases in all respects that might affect the X   1 / Y relationship of interest (i.e. unit homogeneous). It is at this point that it becomes possible to say, within the context of a cross‐case statistical model, whether a case lies near to, or far from, the regression line. However, this sort of analysis means that the researcher is no longer pursuing an extreme‐case method. The extreme‐case method is purely exploratory—a way of probing possible causes of Y , or possible effects of X , in an open‐ended fashion. If the researcher has some notion of what additional factors might affect the outcome of interest, or of what relationship the causal factor of interest might have with Y , then she ought to pursue one of the other methods explored in this chapter. This also implies that an extreme‐case method may transform into a different kind of approach as a study evolves; that is, as a more specific hypothesis comes to light. Useful extreme cases at the outset of a study may prove less useful at a later stage of analysis.

4 Deviant Case

The deviant‐case method selects that case(s) which, by reference to some general understanding of a topic (either a specific theory or common sense), demonstrates a surprising value. It is thus the contrary of the typical case. Barbara Geddes (2003) notes the importance of deviant cases in medical science, where researchers are habitually focused on that which is “pathological” (according to standard theory and practice). The New England Journal of Medicine , one of the premier journals of the field, carries a regular feature entitled Case Records of the Massachusetts General Hospital. These articles bear titles like the following: “An 80‐Year‐Old Woman with Sudden Unilateral Blindness” or “A 76‐Year‐Old Man with Fever, Dyspnea, Pulmonary Infiltrates, Pleural Effusions, and Confusion.” 9 Another interesting example drawn from the field of medicine concerns the extensive study now devoted to a small number of persons who seem resistant to the AIDS virus ( Buchbinder and Vittinghoff 1999 ; Haynes, Pantaleo, and Fauci 1996 ). Why are they resistant? What is different about these people? What can we learn about AIDS in other patients by observing people who have built‐in resistance to this disease?

Likewise, in psychology and sociology case studies may be comprised of deviant (in the social sense) persons or groups. In economics, case studies may consist of countries or businesses that overperform (e.g. Botswana; Microsoft) or underperform (e.g. Britain through most of the twentieth century; Sears in recent decades) relative to some set of expectations. In political science, case studies may focus on countries where the welfare state is more developed (e.g. Sweden) or less developed (e.g. the United States) than one would expect, given a set of general expectations about welfare state development. The deviant case is closely linked to the investigation of theoretical anomalies. Indeed, to say deviant is to imply “anomalous.” 10

Note that while extreme cases are judged relative to the mean of a single distribution (the distribution of values along a single variable), deviant cases are judged relative to some general model of causal relations. The deviant‐case method selects cases which, by reference to some (presumably) general relationship, demonstrate a surprising value. They are “deviant” in that they are poorly explained by the multivariate model. The important point is that deviant‐ness can only be assessed relative to the general (quantitative or qualitative) model. This means that the relative deviant‐ness of a case is likely to change whenever the general model is altered. For example, the United States is a deviant welfare state when this outcome is gauged relative to societal wealth. But it is less deviant—and perhaps not deviant at all—when certain additional (political and societal) factors are included in the model, as discussed in the epilogue. Deviance is model dependent. Thus, when discussing the concept of the deviant case it is helpful to ask the following question: Relative to what general model (or set of background factors) is Case A deviant?

Conceptually, we have said that the deviant case is the logical contrary of the typical case. This translates into a directly contrasting statistical measurement. While the typical case is one with a low residual (in some general model of causal relations), a deviant case is one with a high residual. This means, following our previous discussion, that the deviant case is likely to be an un representative case, and in this respect appears to violate the supposition that case‐study samples should seek to reproduce features of a larger population.

However, it must be borne in mind that the primary purpose of a deviant‐case analysis is to probe for new—but as yet unspecified—explanations. (If the purpose is to disprove an extant theory I shall refer to the study as crucial‐case, as discussed below.) The researcher hopes that causal processes identified within the deviant case will illustrate some causal factor that is applicable to other (more or less deviant) cases. This means that a deviant‐case study usually culminates in a general proposition, one that may be applied to other cases in the population. Once this general proposition has been introduced into the overall model, the expectation is that the chosen case will no longer be an outlier. Indeed, the hope is that it will now be typical , as judged by its small residual in the adjusted model. (The exception would be a circumstance in which a case's outcome is deemed to be “accidental,” and therefore inexplicable by any general model.)

This feature of the deviant‐case study should help to resolve questions about its representativeness. Even if it is not possible to measure the new causal factor (and thus to introduce it into a large‐ N cross‐case model), it may still be plausible to assert (based on general knowledge of the phenomenon) that the chosen case is representative of a broader population.

5 Influential Case

Sometimes, the choice of a case is motivated solely by the need to verify the assumptions behind a general model of causal relations. Here, the analyst attempts to provide a rationale for disregarding a problematic case or a set of problematic cases. That is to say, she attempts to show why apparent deviations from the norm are not really deviant, or do not challenge the core of the theory, once the circumstances of the special case or cases are fully understood. A cross‐case analysis may, after all, be marred by several classes of problems including measurement error, specification error, errors in establishing proper boundaries for the inference (the scope of the argument), and stochastic error (fluctuations in the phenomenon under study that are treated as random, given available theoretical resources). If poorly fitting cases can be explained away by reference to these kinds of problems, then the theory of interest is that much stronger. This sort of deviant‐case analysis answers the question, “What about Case A (or cases of type A)? How does that, seemingly disconfirming, case fit the model?”

Because its underlying purpose is different from the usual deviant‐case study, I offer a new term for this method. The influential case is a case that casts doubt upon a theory, and for that reason warrants close inspection. This investigation may reveal, after all, that the theory is validated—perhaps in some slightly altered form. In this guise, the influential case is the “case that proves the rule.” In other instances, the influential‐case analysis may contribute to disconfirming, or reconceptualizing, a theory. The key point is that the value of the case is judged relative to some extant cross‐case model.

A simple version of influential‐case analysis involves the confirmation of a key case's score on some critical dimension. This is essentially a question of measurement. Sometimes cases are poorly explained simply because they are poorly understood. A close examination of a particular context may reveal that an apparently falsifying case has been miscoded. If so, the initial challenge presented by that case to some general theory has been obviated.

However, the more usual employment of the influential‐case method culminates in a substantive reinterpretation of the case—perhaps even of the general model. It is not just a question of measurement. Consider Thomas Ertman's (1997) study of state building in Western Europe, as summarized by Gerardo Munck. This study argues

that the interaction of a) the type of local government during the first period of statebuilding, with b) the timing of increases in geopolitical competition, strongly influences the kind of regime and state that emerge. [Ertman] tests this hypothesis against the historical experience of Europe and finds that most countries fit his predictions. Denmark, however, is a major exception. In Denmark, sustained geopolitical competition began relatively late and local government at the beginning of the statebuilding period was generally participatory, which should have led the country to develop “patrimonial constitutionalism.” But in fact, it developed “bureaucratic absolutism.” Ertman carefully explores the process through which Denmark came to have a bureaucratic absolutist state and finds that Denmark had the early marks of a patrimonial constitutionalist state. However, the country was pushed off this developmental path by the influence of German knights, who entered Denmark and brought with them German institutions of local government. Ertman then traces the causal process through which these imported institutions pushed Denmark to develop bureaucratic absolutism, concluding that this development was caused by a factor well outside his explanatory framework. ( Munck 2004 , 118)

Ertman's overall framework is confirmed insofar as he has been able to show, by an in‐depth discussion of Denmark, that the causal processes stipulated by the general theory hold even in this apparently disconfirming case. Denmark is still deviant, but it is so because of “contingent historical circumstances” that are exogenous to the theory ( Ertman 1997 , 316).

Evidently, the influential‐case analysis is similar to the deviant‐case analysis. Both focus on outliers. However, as we shall see, they focus on different kinds of outliers. Moreover, the animating goals of these two research designs are quite different. The influential‐case study begins with the aim of confirming a general model, while the deviant‐case study has the aim of generating a new hypothesis that modifies an existing general model. The confusion stems from the fact that the same case study may fulfill both objectives—qualifying a general model and, at the same time, confirming its core hypothesis.

Thus, in their study of Roberto Michels's “iron law of oligarchy,” Lipset, Trow, and Coleman (1956) choose to focus on an organization—the International Typographical Union—that appears to violate the central presupposition. The ITU, as noted by one of the authors, has “a long‐term two‐party system with free elections and frequent turnover in office” and is thus anything but oligarchic ( Lipset 1959 , 70). As such, it calls into question Michels's grand generalization about organizational behavior. The authors explain this curious result by the extraordinarily high level of education among the members of this union. Michels's law is shown to be true for most organizations, but not all. It is true, with qualifications. Note that the respecification of the original model (in effect, Lipset, Trow, and Coleman introduce a new control variable or boundary condition) involves the exploration of a new hypothesis. In this instance, therefore, the use of an influential case to confirm an existing theory is quite similar to the use of a deviant case to explore a new theory.

In a quantitative idiom, influential cases are those that, if counterfactually assigned a different value on the dependent variable, would most substantially change the resulting estimates. They may or may not be outliers (high‐residual cases). Two quantitative measures of influence are commonly applied in regression diagnostics ( Belsey, Kuh, and Welsch 2004 ). The first, often referred to as the leverage of a case, derives from what is called the hat matrix . Based solely on each case's scores on the independent variables, the hat matrix tells us how much a change in (or a measurement error on) the dependent variable for that case would affect the overall regression line. The second is Cook's distance , a measure of the extent to which the estimates of all the parameters would change if a given case were omitted from the analysis. Cases with a large leverage or Cook's distance contribute quite a lot to the inferences drawn from a cross‐case analysis. In this sense, such cases are vital for maintaining analytic conclusions. Discovering a significant measurement error on the dependent variable or an important omitted variable for such a case may dramatically revise estimates of the overall relationships. Hence, it may be quite sensible to select influential cases for in‐depth study.

Note that the use of an influential‐case strategy of case selection is limited to instances in which a researcher has reason to be concerned that her results are being driven by one or a few cases. This is most likely to be true in small to moderate‐sized samples. Where N is very large—greater than 1,000, let us say—it is extremely unlikely that a small set of cases (much less an individual case) will play an “influential” role. Of course, there may be influential sets of cases, e.g. countries within a particular continent or cultural region, or persons of Irish extraction. Sets of influential observations are often problematic in a time‐series cross‐section data‐set where each unit (e.g. country) contains multiple observations (through time), and hence may have a strong influence on aggregate results. Still, the general rule is: the larger the sample, the less important individual cases are likely to be and, hence, the less likely a researcher is to use an influential‐case approach to case selection.

6 Crucial Case

Of all the extant methods of case selection perhaps the most storied—and certainly the most controversial—is the crucial‐case method, introduced to the social science world several decades ago by Harry Eckstein. In his seminal essay, Eckstein (1975 , 118) describes the crucial case as one “that must closely fit a theory if one is to have confidence in the theory's validity, or, conversely, must not fit equally well any rule contrary to that proposed.” A case is crucial in a somewhat weaker—but much more common—sense when it is most, or least, likely to fulfill a theoretical prediction. A “most‐likely” case is one that, on all dimensions except the dimension of theoretical interest, is predicted to achieve a certain outcome, and yet does not. It is therefore used to disconfirm a theory. A “least‐likely” case is one that, on all dimensions except the dimension of theoretical interest, is predicted not to achieve a certain outcome, and yet does so. It is therefore used to confirm a theory. In all formulations, the crucial‐case offers a most‐difficult test for an argument, and hence provides what is perhaps the strongest sort of evidence possible in a nonexperimental, single‐case setting.

Since the publication of Eckstein's influential essay, the crucial‐case approach has been claimed in a multitude of studies across several social science disciplines and has come to be recognized as a staple of the case‐study method. 11 Yet the idea of any single case playing a crucial (or “critical”) role is not widely accepted among most methodologists (e.g. Sekhon 2004 ). (Even its progenitor seems to have had doubts.)

Let us begin with the confirmatory (a.k.a. least‐likely) crucial case. The implicit logic of this research design may be summarized as follows. Given a set of facts, we are asked to contemplate the probability that a given theory is true. While the facts matter, to be sure, the effectiveness of this sort of research also rests upon the formal properties of the theory in question. Specifically, the degree to which a theory is amenable to confirmation is contingent upon how many predictions can be derived from the theory and on how “risky” each individual prediction is. In Popper's (1963 , 36) words, “Confirmations should count only if they are the result of risky predictions ; that is to say, if, unenlightened by the theory in question, we should have expected an event which was incompatible with the theory—and event which would have refuted the theory. Every ‘good’ scientific theory is a prohibition; it forbids certain things to happen. The more a theory forbids, the better it is” (see also Popper 1934/1968 ). A risky prediction is therefore one that is highly precise and determinate, and therefore unlikely to be achieved by the product of other causal factors (external to the theory of interest) or through stochastic processes. A theory produces many such predictions if it is fully elaborated, issuing predictions not only on the central outcome of interest but also on specific causal mechanisms, and if it is broad in purview. (The notion of riskiness may also be conceptualized within the Popperian lexicon as degrees of falsifiability .)

These points can also be articulated in Bayesian terms. Colin Howson and Peter Urbach explain: “The degree to which h [a hypothesis] is confirmed by e [a set of evidence] depends … on the extent to which P(eČh) exceeds P (e) , that is, on how much more probable e is relative to the hypothesis and background assumptions than it is relative just to background assumptions.” Again, “confirmation is correlated with how much more probable the evidence is if the hypothesis is true than if it is false” ( Howson and Urlbach 1989 , 86). Thus, the stranger the prediction offered by a theory—relative to what we would normally expect—the greater the degree of confirmation that will be afforded by the evidence. As an intuitive example, Howson and Urbach (1989 , 86) offer the following:

If a soothsayer predicts that you will meet a dark stranger sometime and you do in fact, your faith in his powers of precognition would not be much enhanced: you would probably continue to think his predictions were just the result of guesswork. However, if the prediction also gave the correct number of hairs on the head of that stranger, your previous scepticism would no doubt be severely shaken.

While these Popperian/Bayesian notions 12 are relevant to all empirical research designs, they are especially relevant to case‐study research designs, for in these settings a single case (or, at most, a small number of cases) is required to bear a heavy burden of proof. It should be no surprise, therefore, that Popper's idea of “riskiness” was to be appropriated by case‐study researchers like Harry Eckstein to validate the enterprise of single‐case analysis. (Although Eckstein does not cite Popper the intellectual lineage is clear.) Riskiness, here, is analogous to what is usually referred to as a “most‐ difficult” research design, which in a case‐study research design would be understood as a “least‐likely” case. Note also that the distinction between a “must‐fit” case and a least‐likely case—that, in the event, actually does fit the terms of a theory—is a matter of degree. Cases are more or less crucial for confirming theories. The point is that, in some circumstances, a paucity of empirical evidence may be compensated by the riskiness of the theory.

The crucial‐case research design is, perforce, a highly deductive enterprise; much depends on the quality of the theory under investigation. It follows that the theories most amenable to crucial‐case analysis are those which are lawlike in their precision, degree of elaboration, consistency, and scope. The more a theory attains the status of a causal law, the easier it will be to confirm, or to disconfirm, with a single case. Indeed, risky predictions are common in natural science fields such as physics, which in turn served as the template for the deductive‐nomological (“covering‐law”) model of science that influenced Eckstein and others in the postwar decades (e.g. Hempel 1942 ).

A frequently cited example is the first important empirical demonstration of the theory of relativity, which took the form of a single‐event prediction on the occasion of the May 29, 1919, solar eclipse ( Eckstein 1975 ; Popper 1963 ). Stephen Van Evera (1997 , 66–7) describes the impact of this prediction on the validation of Einstein's theory.

Einstein's theory predicted that gravity would bend the path of light toward a gravity source by a specific amount. Hence it predicted that during a solar eclipse stars near the sun would appear displaced—stars actually behind the sun would appear next to it, and stars lying next to the sun would appear farther from it—and it predicted the amount of apparent displacement. No other theory made these predictions. The passage of this one single‐case‐study test brought the theory wide acceptance because the tested predictions were unique—there was no plausible competing explanation for the predicted result—hence the passed test was very strong.

The strength of this test is the extraordinary fit between the theory and a set of facts found in a single case, and the corresponding lack of fit between all other theories and this set of facts. Einstein offered an explanation of a particular set of anomalous findings that no other existing theory could make sense of. Of course, one must assume that there was no—or limited—measurement error. And one must assume that the phenomenon of interest is largely invariant; light does not bend differently at different times and places (except in ways that can be understood through the theory of relativity). And one must assume, finally, that the theory itself makes sense on other grounds (other than the case of special interest); it is a plausible general theory. If one is willing to accept these a priori assumptions, then the 1919 “case study” provides a very strong confirmation of the theory. It is difficult to imagine a stronger proof of the theory from within an observational (nonexperimental) setting.

In social science settings, by contrast, one does not commonly find single‐case studies offering knockout evidence for a theory. This is, in my view, largely a product of the looseness (the underspecification) of most social science theories. George and Bennett point out that while the thesis of the democratic peace is as close to a “law” as social science has yet seen, it cannot be confirmed (or refuted) by looking at specific causal mechanisms because the causal pathways mandated by the theory are multiple and diverse. Under the circumstances, no single‐case test can offer strong confirmation of the theory ( George and Bennett 2005 , 209).

However, if one adopts a softer version of the crucial‐case method—the least‐likely (most difficult) case—then possibilities abound. Indeed, I suspect that, implicitly , most case‐study work that makes a positive argument focusing on a single case (without a corresponding cross‐case analysis) relies largely on the logic of the least‐ likely case. Rarely is this logic made explicit, except perhaps in a passing phrase or two. Yet the deductive logic of the “risky” prediction is central to the case‐study enterprise. Whether a case study is convincing or not often rests on the reader's evaluation of how strong the evidence for an argument might be, and this in turn—wherever cross‐ case evidence is limited and no manipulated treatment can be devised—rests upon an estimation of the degree of “fit” between a theory and the evidence at hand, as discussed.

Lily Tsai's (2007) investigation of governance at the village level in China employs several in‐depth case studies of villages which are chosen (in part) because of their least‐likely status relative to the theory of interest. Tsai's hypothesis is that villages with greater social solidarity (based on preexisting religious or familial networks) will develop a higher level of social trust and mutual obligation and, as a result, will experience better governance. Crucial cases, therefore, are villages that evidence a high level of social solidarity but which, along other dimensions, would be judged least likely to develop good governance, e.g. they are poor, isolated, and lack democratic institutions or accountability mechanisms from above. “Li Settlement,” in Fujian province, is such a case. The fact that this impoverished village nonetheless boasts an impressive set of infrastructural accomplishments such as paved roads with drainage ditches (a rarity in rural China) suggests that something rather unusual is going on here. Because her case is carefully chosen to eliminate rival explanations, Tsai's conclusions about the special role of social solidarity are difficult to gainsay. How else is one to explain this otherwise anomalous result? This is the strength of the least‐likely case, where all other plausible causal factors for an outcome have been minimized. 13

Jack Levy (2002 , 144) refers to this, evocatively, as a “Sinatra inference:” if it can make it here, it can make it anywhere (see also Khong 1992 , 49; Sagan 1995 , 49; Shafer 1988 , 14–6). Thus, if social solidarity has the hypothesized effect in Li Settlement it should have the same effect in more propitious settings (e.g. where there is greater economic surplus). The same implicit logic informs many case‐study analyses where the intent of the study is to confirm a hypothesis on the basis of a single case.

Another sort of crucial case is employed for the purpose of dis confirming a causal hypothesis. A central Popperian insight is that it is easier to disconfirm an inference than to confirm that same inference. (Indeed, Popper doubted that any inference could be fully confirmed, and for this reason preferred the term “corroborate.”) This is particularly true of case‐study research designs, where evidence is limited to one or several cases. The key proviso is that the theory under investigation must take a consistent (a.k.a. invariant, deterministic) form, even if its predictions are not terrifically precise, well elaborated, or broad.

As it happens, there are a fair number of invariant propositions floating around the social science disciplines (Goertz and Levy forthcoming; Goertz and Starr 2003 ). It used to be argued, for example, that political stability would occur only in countries that are relatively homogeneous, or where existing heterogeneities are mitigated by cross‐cutting cleavages ( Almond 1956 ; Bentley 1908/1967 ; Lipset 1960/1963 ; Truman 1951 ). Arend Lijphart's (1968) study of the Netherlands, a peaceful country with reinforcing social cleavages, is commonly viewed as refuting this theory on the basis of a single in‐depth case analysis. 14

Granted, it may be questioned whether presumed invariant theories are really invariant; perhaps they are better understood as probabilistic. Perhaps, that is, the theory of cross‐cutting cleavages is still true, probabilistically, despite the apparent Dutch exception. Or perhaps the theory is still true, deterministically, within a subset of cases that does not include the Netherlands. (This sort of claim seems unlikely in this particular instance, but it is quite plausible in many others.) Or perhaps the theory is in need of reframing; it is true, deterministically, but applies only to cross‐ cutting ethnic/racial cleavages, not to cleavages that are primarily religious. One can quibble over what it means to “disconfirm” a theory. The point is that the crucial case has, in all these circumstances, provided important updating of a theoretical prior.

Heretofore, I have treated causal factors as dichotomous. Countries have either reinforcing or cross‐cutting cleavages and they have regimes that are either peaceful or conflictual. Evidently, these sorts of parameters are often matters of degree. In this reading of the theory, cases are more or less crucial. Accordingly, the most useful—i.e. most crucial—case for Lijphart's purpose is one that has the most segregated social groups and the most peaceful and democratic track record. In these respects, the Netherlands was a very good choice. Indeed, the degree of disconfirmation offered by this case study is probably greater than the degree of disconfirmation that might have been provided by other cases such as India or Papua New Guinea—countries where social peace has not always been secure. The point is that where variables are continuous rather than dichotomous it is possible to evaluate potential cases in terms of their degree of crucialness .

Note that the crucial‐case method of case‐selection, whether employed in a confirmatory or disconfirmatory mode, cannot be employed in a large‐ N context. This is because an explicit cross‐case model would render the crucial‐case study redundant. Once one identifies the relevant parameters and the scores of all cases on those parameters, one has in effect constructed a cross‐case model that confirms or disconfirms the theory in question. The case study is thenceforth irrelevant, at least as a means of decisive confirmation or disconfirmation. 15 It remains highly relevant as a means of exploring causal mechanisms, of course. Yet, because this objective is quite different from that which is usually associated with the term, I enlist a new term for this technique.

7 Pathway Case

One of the most important functions of case‐study research is the elucidation of causal mechanisms. But which sort of case is most useful for this purpose? Although all case studies presumably shed light on causal mechanisms, not all cases are equally transparent. In situations where a causal hypothesis is clear and has already been confirmed by cross‐case analysis, researchers are well advised to focus on a case where the causal effect of X   1 on Y can be isolated from other potentially confounding factors ( X   2 ). I shall call this a pathway case to indicate its uniquely penetrating insight into causal mechanisms. In contrast to the crucial case, this sort of method is practicable only in circumstances where cross‐case covariational patterns are well studied and where the mechanism linking X   1 and Y remains dim. Because the pathway case builds on prior cross‐case analysis, the problem of case selection must be situated within that sample. There is no standalone pathway case.

The logic of the pathway case is clearest in situations of causal sufficiency—where a causal factor of interest, X   1 , is sufficient by itself (though perhaps not necessary) to account for Y 's value (0 or 1). The other causes of Y , about which we need make no assumptions, are designated as a vector, X   2 .

Note that wherever various causal factors are substitutable for one another, each factor is conceptualized (individually) as sufficient ( Braumoeller 2003 ). Thus, situations of causal equifinality presume causal sufficiency on the part of each factor or set of conjoint factors. An example is provided by the literature on democratization, which stipulates three main avenues of regime change: leadership‐initiated reform, a controlled opening to opposition, or the collapse of an authoritarian regime ( Colomer 1991 ). The case‐study format constrains us to analyze one at a time, so let us limit our scope to the first one—leadership‐initiated reform. So considered, a causal‐pathway case would be one with the following features: (a) democratization, (b) leadership‐initiated reform, (c) no controlled opening to the opposition, (d) no collapse of the previous authoritarian regime, and (e) no other extraneous factors that might affect the process of democratization. In a case of this type, the causal mechanisms by which leadership‐initiated reform may lead to democratization will be easiest to study. Note that it is not necessary to assume that leadership‐initiated reform always leads to democratization; it may or may not be a deterministic cause. But it is necessary to assume that leadership‐initiated reform can sometimes lead to democratization on its own (given certain background features).

Now let us move from these examples to a general‐purpose model. For heuristic purposes, let us presume that all variables in that model are dichotomous (coded as 0 or 1) and that the model is complete (all causes of Y are included). All causal relationships will be coded so as to be positive: X   1 and Y covary as do X   2 and Y . This allows us to visualize a range of possible combinations at a glance.

Recall that the pathway case is always focused, by definition, on a single causal factor, denoted X   1 . (The researcher's focus may shift to other causal factors, but may only focus on one causal factor at a time.) In this scenario, and regardless of how many additional causes of Y there might be (denoted X   2 , a vector of controls), there are only eight relevant case types, as illustrated in Table 28.2 . Identifying these case types is a relatively simple matter, and can be accomplished in a small‐ N sample by the construction of a truth‐table (modeled after Table 28.2 ) or in a large‐ N sample by the use of cross‐tabs.

Notes : X   1 = the variable of theoretical interest. X   2 = a vector of controls (a score of 0 indicates that all control variables have a score of 0, while a score of 1 indicates that all control variables have a score of 1). Y = the outcome of interest. A–H = case types (the N for each case type is indeterminate). G, H = possible pathway cases. Sample size = indeterminate.

Assumptions : (a) all variables can be coded dichotomously (a binary coding of the concept is valid); (b) all independent variables are positively correlated with Y in the general case; ( c ) X   1 is (at least sometimes) a sufficient cause of Y .

Note that the total number of combinations of values depends on the number of control variables, which we have represented with a single vector, X   2 . If this vector consists of a single variable then there are only eight case types. If this vector consists of two variables ( X   2a , X   2b ) then the total number of possible combinations increases from eight (2 3 ) to sixteen (2 4 ). And so forth. However, none of these combinations is relevant for present purposes except those where X   2a and X   2b have the same value (0 or 1). “Mixed” cases are not causal pathway cases, for reasons that should become clear.

The pathway case, following the logic of the crucial case, is one where the causal factor of interest, X   1 , correctly predicts Y while all other possible causes of Y (represented by the vector, X   2 ) make “wrong” predictions. If X   1 is—at least in some circumstances—a sufficient cause of Y , then it is these sorts of cases that should be most useful for tracing causal mechanisms. There are only two such cases in Ta b l e 28.2—G and H. In all other cases, the mechanism running from X   1 to Y would be difficult to discern either because X   1 and Y are not correlated in the usual way (constituting an unusual case, in the terms of our hypothesis) or because other confounding factors ( X   2 ) intrude. In case A, for example, the positive value on Y could be a product of X   1 or X   2 . An in‐depth examination of this case is not likely to be very revealing.

Keep in mind that because the researcher already knows from her cross‐case examination what the general causal relationships are, she knows (prior to the case‐ study investigation) what constitutes a correct or incorrect prediction. In the crucial‐ case method, by contrast, these expectations are deductive rather than empirical. This is what differentiates the two methods. And this is why the causal pathway case is useful principally for elucidating causal mechanisms rather than verifying or falsifying general propositions (which are already more or less apparent from the cross‐case evidence). Of course, we must leave open the possibility that the investigation of causal mechanisms would invalidate a general claim, if that claim is utterly contingent upon a specific set of causal mechanisms and the case study shows that no such mechanisms are present. However, this is rather unlikely in most social science settings. Usually, the result of such a finding will be a reformulation of the causal processes by which X   1 causes Y —or, alternatively, a realization that the case under investigation is aberrant (atypical of the general population of cases).

Sometimes, the research question is framed as a unidirectional cause: one is interested in why 0 becomes 1 (or vice versa) but not in why 1 becomes 0. In our previous example, we asked why democracies fail, not why countries become democratic or authoritarian. So framed, there can be only one type of causal‐pathway case. (Whether regime failure is coded as 0 or 1 is a matter of taste.) Where researchers are interested in bidirectional causality—a movement from 0 to 1 as well as from 1 to 0—there are two possible causal‐pathway cases, G and H. In practice, however, one of these case types is almost always more useful than the other. Thus, it seems reasonable to employ the term “pathway case” in the singular. In order to determine which of these two case types will be more useful for intensive analysis the researcher should look to see whether each case type exhibits desirable features such as: (a) a rare (unusual) value on X   1 or Y (designated “extreme” in our previous discussion), (b) observable temporal variation in X   1 , ( c ) an X   1 / Y relationship that is easier to study (it has more visible features; it is more transparent), or (d) a lower residual (thus indicating a more typical case, within the terms of the general model). Usually, the choice between G and H is intuitively obvious.

Now, let us consider a scenario in which all (or most) variables of concern to the model are continuous, rather than dichotomous. Here, the job of case selection is considerably more complex, for causal “sufficiency” (in the usual sense) cannot be invoked. It is no longer plausible to assume that a given cause can be entirely partitioned, i.e. rival factors eliminated. However, the search for a pathway case may still be viable. What we are looking for in this scenario is a case that satisfies two criteria: (1) it is not an outlier (or at least not an extreme outlier) in the general model and (2) its score on the outcome ( Y ) is strongly influenced by the theoretical variable of interest ( X   1 ), taking all other factors into account ( X   2 ). In this sort of case it should be easiest to “see” the causal mechanisms that lie between X   1 and Y .

Achieving the second desiderata requires a bit of manipulation. In order to determine which (nonoutlier) cases are most strongly affected by X   1 , given all the other parameters in the model, one must compare the size of the residuals for each case in a reduced form model, Y = Constant + X   2 + Res reduced , with the size of the residuals for each case in a full model, Y = Constant + X   2 + X   1 + Res full . The pathway case is that case, or set of cases, which shows the greatest difference between the residual for the reduced‐form model and the full model (ΔResidual). Thus,

Note that the residual for a case must be smaller in the full model than in the reduced‐ form model; otherwise, the addition of the variable of interest ( X   1 ) pulls the case away from the regression line. We want to find a case where the addition of X   1 pushes the case towards the regression line, i.e. it helps to “explain” that case.

As an example, let us suppose that we are interested in exploring the effect of mineral wealth on the prospects for democracy in a society. According to a good deal of work on this subject, countries with a bounty of natural resources—particularly oil—are less likely to democratize (or once having undergone a democratic transition, are more likely to revert to authoritarian rule) ( Barro 1999 ; Humphreys 2005 ; Ross 2001 ). The cross‐country evidence is robust. Yet as is often the case, the causal mechanisms remain rather obscure. In order to better understand this phenomenon it may be worthwhile to exploit the findings of cross‐country regression models in order to identify a country whose regime type (i.e. its democracy “score” on some general index) is strongly affected by its natural‐research wealth, all other things held constant. An analysis of this sort identifies two countries— the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait—with high Δ Residual values and modest residuals in the full model (signifying that these cases are not outliers). Researchers seeking to explore the effect of oil wealth on regime type might do well to focus on these two cases since their patterns of democracy cannot be well explained by other factors—e.g. economic development, religion, European influence, or ethnic fractionalization. The presence of oil wealth in these countries would appear to have a strong independent effect on the prospects for democratization in these cases, an effect that is well modeled by general theory and by the available cross‐case evidence.

To reiterate, the logic of causal “elimination” is much more compelling where variables are dichotomous and where causal sufficiency can be assumed ( X   1 is sufficient by itself, at least in some circumstances, to cause Y ). Where variables are continuous, the strategy of the pathway case is more dubious, for potentially confounding causal factors ( X   2 ) cannot be neatly partitioned. Even so, we have indicated why the selection of a pathway case may be a logical approach to case‐study analysis in many circumstances.

The exceptions may be briefly noted. Sometimes, where all variables in a model are dichotomous, there are no pathway cases, i.e. no cases of type G or H (in Table 28.2 ). This is known as the “empty cell” problem, or a problem of severe causal multicollinearity. The universe of observational data does not always oblige us with cases that allow us to independently test a given hypothesis. Where variables are continuous, the analogous problem is that of a causal variable of interest ( X   1 ) that has only minimal effects on the outcome of interest. That is, its role in the general model is quite minor. In these situations, the only cases that are strongly affected by X   1 —if there are any at all—may be extreme outliers, and these sorts of cases are not properly regarded as providing confirmatory evidence for a proposition, for reasons that are abundantly clear by now.

Finally, it should be clarified that the identification of a causal pathway case does not obviate the utility of exploring other cases. One might, for example, want to compare both sorts of potential pathway cases—G and H—with each other. Many other combinations suggest themselves. However, this sort of multi‐case investigation moves beyond the logic of the causal‐pathway case.

8 Most‐similar Cases

The most‐similar method employs a minimum of two cases. 16 In its purest form, the chosen pair of cases is similar in all respects except the variable(s) of interest. If the study is exploratory (i.e. hypothesis generating), the researcher looks for cases that differ on the outcome of theoretical interest but are similar on various factors that might have contributed to that outcome, as illustrated in Table 28.3 (A) . This is a common form of case selection at the initial stage of research. Often, fruitful analysis begins with an apparent anomaly: two cases are apparently quite similar, and yet demonstrate surprisingly different outcomes. The hope is that intensive study of these cases will reveal one—or at most several—factors that differ across these cases. These differing factors ( X   1 ) are looked upon as putative causes. At this stage, the research may be described by the second diagram in Table 28.3 (B) . Sometimes, a researcher begins with a strong hypothesis, in which case her research design is confirmatory (hypothesis testing) from the get‐go. That is, she strives to identify cases that exhibit different outcomes, different scores on the factor of interest, and similar scores on all other possible causal factors, as illustrated in the second (hypothesis‐testing) diagram in Table 28.3 (B) .

The point is that the purpose of a most‐similar research design, and hence its basic setup, often changes as a researcher moves from an exploratory to a confirmatory mode of analysis. However, regardless of where one begins, the results, when published, look like a hypothesis‐testing research design. Question marks have been removed: (A) becomes (B) in Table 28.3 .

As an example, let us consider Leon Epstein's classic study of party cohesion, which focuses on two “most‐similar” countries, the United States and Canada. Canada has highly disciplined parties whose members vote together on the floor of the House of Commons while the United States has weak, undisciplined parties, whose members often defect on floor votes in Congress. In explaining these divergent outcomes, persistent over many years, Epstein first discusses possible causal factors that are held more or less constant across the two cases. Both the United States and Canada inherited English political cultures, both have large territories and heterogeneous populations, both are federal, and both have fairly loose party structures with strong regional bases and a weak center. These are the “control” variables. Where they differ is in one constitutional feature: Canada is parliamentary while the United States is presidential. And it is this institutional difference that Epstein identifies as the crucial (differentiating) cause. (For further examples of the most‐similar method see Brenner 1976 ; Hamilton 1977 ; Lipset 1968 ; Miguel 2004 ; Moulder 1977 ; Posner 2004 .)

X   1 = the variable of theoretical interest. X   2 = a vector of controls. Y = the outcome of interest.

Several caveats apply to any most‐similar analysis (in addition to the usual set of assumptions applying to all case‐study analysis). First, each causal factor is understood as having an independent and additive effect on the outcome; there are no “interaction” effects. Second, one must code cases dichotomously (high/low, present/absent). This is straightforward if the underlying variables are also dichotomous (e.g. federal/unitary). However, it is often the case that variables of concern in the model are continuous (e.g. party cohesion). In this setting, the researcher must “dichotomize” the scoring of cases so as to simplify the two‐case analysis. (Some flexibility is admissible on the vector of controls ( X   2 ) that are “held constant” across the cases. Nonidentity is tolerable if the deviation runs counter to the predicted hypothesis. For example, Epstein describes both the United States and Canada as having strong regional bases of power, a factor that is probably more significant in recent Canadian history than in recent American history. However, because regional bases of power should lead to weaker parties, rather than stronger parties, this element of nonidentity does not challenge Epstein's conclusions. Indeed, it sets up a most‐difficult research scenario, as discussed above.)

In one respect the requirements for case control are not so stringent. Specifically, it is not usually necessary to measure control variables (at least not with a high degree of precision) in order to control for them. If two countries can be assumed to have similar cultural heritages one needn't worry about constructing variables to measure that heritage. One can simply assert that, whatever they are, they are more or less constant across the two cases. This is similar to the technique employed in a randomized experiment, where the researcher typically does not attempt to measure all the factors that might affect the causal relationship of interest. She assumes, rather, that these unknown factors have been neutralized across the treatment and control groups by randomization or by the choice of a sample that is internally homogeneous.

The most useful statistical tool for identifying cases for in‐depth analysis in a most‐ similar setting is probably some variety of matching strategy—e.g. exact matching, approximate matching, or propensity‐score matching. 17 The product of this procedure is a set of matched cases that can be compared in whatever way the researcher deems appropriate. These are the “most‐similar” cases. Rosenbaum and Silber (2001 , 223) summarize:

Unlike model‐based adjustments, where [individuals] vanish and are replaced by the coefficients of a model, in matching, ostensibly comparable patterns are compared directly, one by one. Modern matching methods involve statistical modeling and combinatorial algorithms, but the end result is a collection of pairs or sets of people who look comparable, at least on average. In matching, people retain their integrity as people, so they can be examined and their stories can be told individually.

Matching, conclude the authors, “facilitates, rather than inhibits, thick description” ( Rosenbaum and Silber 2001 , 223).

In principle, the same matching techniques that have been used successfully in observational studies of medical treatments might also be adapted to the study of nation states, political parties, cities, or indeed any traditional paired cases in the social sciences. Indeed, the current popularity of matching among statisticians—relative, that is, to garden‐variety regression models—rests upon what qualitative researchers would recognize as a “case‐based” approach to causal analysis. If Rosenbaum and Silber are correct, it may be perfectly reasonable to appropriate this large‐ N method of analysis for case‐study purposes.

As with other methods of case selection, the most‐similar method is prone to problems of nonrepresentativeness. If employed in a qualitative fashion (without a systematic cross‐case selection strategy), potential biases in the chosen case must be addressed in a speculative way. If the researcher employs a matching technique of case selection within a large‐ N sample, the problem of potential bias can be addressed by assuring the choice of cases that are not extreme outliers, as judged by their residuals in the full model. Most‐similar cases should also be “typical” cases, though some scope for deviance around the regression line may be acceptable for purposes of finding a good fit among cases.

X   1 = the variable of theoretical interest. X   2a–d = a vector of controls. Y = the outcome of interest.

9 Most‐different Cases

A final case‐selection method is the reverse image of the previous method. Here, variation on independent variables is prized, while variation on the outcome is eschewed. Rather than looking for cases that are most‐similar, one looks for cases that are most‐ different . Specifically, the researcher tries to identify cases where just one independent variable ( X   1 ), as well as the dependent variable ( Y ), covary, while all other plausible factors ( X   2a–d ) show different values. 18

The simplest form of this two‐case comparison is illustrated in Table 28.4 . Cases A and B are deemed “most different,” though they are similar in two essential respects— the causal variable of interest and the outcome.

As an example, I follow Marc Howard's (2003) recent work, which explores the enduring impact of Communism on civil society. 19 Cross‐national surveys show a strong correlation between former Communist regimes and low social capital, controlling for a variety of possible confounders. It is a strong result. Howard wonders why this relationship is so strong and why it persists, and perhaps even strengthens, in countries that are no longer socialist or authoritarian. In order to answer this question, he focuses on two most‐different cases, Russia and East Germany. These two countries were quite different—in all ways other than their Communist experience— prior to the Soviet era, during the Soviet era (since East Germany received substantial subsidies from West Germany), and in the post‐Soviet era, as East Germany was absorbed into West Germany. Yet, they both score near the bottom of various cross‐ national indices intended to measure the prevalence of civic engagement in the current era. Thus, Howard's (2003 , 6–9) case selection procedure meets the requirements of the most‐different research design: Variance is found on all (or most) dimensions aside from the key factor of interest (Communism) and the outcome (civic engagement).

What leverage is brought to the analysis from this approach? Howard's case studies combine evidence drawn from mass surveys and from in‐depth interviews of small, stratified samples of Russians and East Germans. (This is a good illustration, incidentally, of how quantitative and qualitative evidence can be fruitfully combined in the intensive study of several cases.) The product of this analysis is the identification of three causal pathways that, Howard (2003 , 122) claims, help to explain the laggard status of civil society in post‐Communist polities: “the mistrust of communist organizations, the persistence of friendship networks, and the disappointment with post‐communism.” Simply put, Howard (2003 , 145) concludes, “a great number of citizens in Russia and Eastern Germany feel a strong and lingering sense of distrust of any kind of public organization, a general satisfaction with their own personal networks (accompanied by a sense of deteriorating relations within society overall), and disappointment in the developments of post‐communism.”

The strength of this most‐different case analysis is that the results obtained in East Germany and Russia should also apply in other post‐Communist polities (e.g. Lithuania, Poland, Bulgaria, Albania). By choosing a heterogeneous sample, Howard solves the problem of representativeness in his restricted sample. However, this sample is demonstrably not representative across the population of the inference, which is intended to cover all countries of the world.

More problematic is the lack of variation on key causal factors of interest— Communism and its putative causal pathways. For this reason, it is difficult to reach conclusions about the causal status of these factors on the basis of the most‐different analysis alone. It is possible, that is, that the three causal pathways identified by Howard also operate within polities that never experienced Communist rule.

Nor does it seem possible to conclusively eliminate rival hypotheses on the basis of this most‐different analysis. Indeed, this is not Howard's intention. He wishes merely to show that whatever influence on civil society might be attributed to economic, cultural, and other factors does not exhaust this subject.

My considered judgment is that the most‐different research design provides minimal leverage into the problem of why Communist systems appear to suppress civic engagement, years after their disappearance. Fortunately, this is not the only research design employed by Howard in his admirable study. Indeed, the author employs two other small‐ N cross‐case methods, as well as a large‐ N cross‐country statistical analysis. These methods do most of the analytic work. East Germany may be regarded as a causal pathway case (see above). It has all the attributes normally assumed to foster civic engagement (e.g. a growing economy, multiparty competition, civil liberties, a free press, close association with Western European culture and politics), but nonetheless shows little or no improvement on this dimension during the post‐ transition era ( Howard 2003 , 8). It is plausible to attribute this lack of change to its Communist past, as Howard does, in which case East Germany should be a fruitful case for the investigation of causal mechanisms. The contrast between East and West Germany provides a most‐similar analysis since the two polities share virtually everything except a Communist past. This variation is also deftly exploited by Howard.

I do not wish to dismiss the most‐different research method entirely. Surely, Howard's findings are stronger with the intensive analysis of Russia than they would be without. Yet his book would not stand securely on the empirical foundation provided by most‐different analysis alone. If one strips away the pathway‐case (East Germany) and the most‐similar analysis (East/West Germany) there is little left upon which to base an analysis of causal relations (aside from the large‐ N cross‐national analysis). Indeed, most scholars who employ the most‐different method do so in conjunction with other methods. 20 It is rarely, if ever, a standalone method. 21

Generalizing from this discussion of Marc Howard's work, I offer the following summary remarks on the most‐different method of case analysis. (I leave aside issues faced by all case‐study analyses, issues that are explored in Gerring 2007 .)

Let us begin with a methodological obstacle that is faced by both Millean styles of analysis—the necessity of dichotomizing every variable in the analysis. Recall that, as with most‐similar analysis, differences across cases must generally be sizeable enough to be interpretable in an essentially dichotomous fashion (e.g. high/low, present/absent) and similarities must be close enough to be understood as essentially identical (e.g. high/high, present/present). Otherwise the results of a Millean style analysis are not interpretable. The problem of “degrees” is deadly if the variables under consideration are, by nature, continuous (e.g. GDP). This is a particular concern in Howard's analysis, where East Germany scores somewhat higher than Russia in civic engagement; they are both low, but Russia is quite a bit lower. Howard assumes that this divergence is minimal enough to be understood as a difference of degrees rather than of kinds, a judgment that might be questioned. In these respects, most‐different analysis is no more secure—but also no less—than most‐similar analysis.

In one respect, most‐different analysis is superior to most‐similar analysis. If the coding assumptions are sound, the most‐different research design may be quite useful for eliminating necessary causes . Causal factors that do not appear across the chosen cases—e.g. X   2a–d in Table 28.4 —are evidently unnecessary for the production of Y . However, it does not follow that the most‐different method is the best method for eliminating necessary causes. Note that the defining feature of this method is the shared element across cases— X   1 in Table 28.4 . This feature does not help one to eliminate necessary causes. Indeed, if one were focused solely on eliminating necessary causes one would presumably seek out cases that register the same outcomes and have maximum diversity on other attributes. In Table 28.4 , this would be a set of cases that satisfy conditions X   2a–d , but not X   1 . Thus, even the presumed strength of the most‐different analysis is not so strong.

Usually, case‐study analysis is focused on the identification (or clarification) of causal relations, not the elimination of possible causes. In this setting, the most‐ different technique is useful, but only if assumptions of causal uniqueness hold. By “causal uniqueness,” I mean a situation in which a given outcome is the product of only one cause: Y cannot occur except in the presence of X . X is necessary, and in some situations (given certain background conditions) sufficient, to cause Y . 22

Consider the following hypothetical example. Suppose that a new disease, about which little is known, has appeared in Country A. There are hundreds of infected persons across dozens of affected communities in that country. In Country B, located at the other end of the world, several new cases of the disease surface in a single community. In this setting, we can imagine two sorts of Millean analyses. The first examines two similar communities within Country A, one of which has developed the disease and the other of which has not. This is the most‐similar style of case comparison, and focuses accordingly on the identification of a difference between the two cases that might account for variation across the sample. A second approach focuses on communities where the disease has appeared across the two countries and searches for any similarities that might account for these similar outcomes. This is the most‐different research design.

Both are plausible approaches to this particular problem, and we can imagine epidemiologists employing them simultaneously. However, the most‐different design demands stronger assumptions about the underlying factors at work. It supposes that the disease arises from the same cause in any setting. This is often a reasonable operating assumption when one is dealing with natural phenomena, though there are certainly many exceptions. Death, for example, has many causes. For this reason, it would not occur to us to look for most‐different cases of high mortality around the world. In order for the most‐different research design to effectively identify a causal factor at work in a given outcome, the researcher must assume that X   1 —the factor held constant across the diverse cases—is the only possible cause of Y (see Table 28.4 ). This assumption rarely holds in social‐scientific settings. Most outcomes of interest to anthropologists, economists, political scientists, and sociologists have multiple causes. There are many ways to win an election, to build a welfare state, to get into a war, to overthrow a government, or—returning to Marc Howard's work—to build a strong civil society. And it is for this reason that most‐different analysis is rarely applied in social science work and, where applied, is rarely convincing.

If this seems a tad severe, there is a more charitable way of approaching the most‐different method. Arguably, this is not a pure “method” at all but merely a supplement, a way of incorporating diversity in the sub‐sample of cases that provide the unusual outcome of interest. If the unusual outcome is revolutions, one might wish to encompass a wide variety of revolutions in one's analysis. If the unusual outcome is post‐Communist civil society, it seems appropriate to include a diverse set of post‐Communist polities in one's sample of case studies, as Marc Howard does. From this perspective, the most‐different method (so‐called) might be better labeled a diverse‐case method, as explored above.

10 Conclusions

In order to be a case of something broader than itself, the chosen case must be representative (in some respects) of a larger population. Otherwise—if it is purely idiosyncratic (“unique”)—it is uninformative about anything lying outside the borders of the case itself. A study based on a nonrepresentative sample has no (or very little) external validity. To be sure, no phenomenon is purely idiosyncratic; the notion of a unique case is a matter that would be difficult to define. One is concerned, as always, with matters of degree. Cases are more or less representative of some broader phenomenon and, on that score, may be considered better or worse subjects for intensive analysis. (The one exception, as noted, is the influential case.)

Of all the problems besetting case‐study analysis, perhaps the most persistent— and the most persistently bemoaned—is the problem of sample bias ( Achen and Snidal 1989 ; Collier and Mahoney 1996 ; Geddes 1990 ; King, Keohane, and Verba 1994 ; Rohlfing 2004 ; Sekhon 2004 ). Lisa Martin (1992 , 5) finds that the overemphasis of international relations scholars on a few well‐known cases of economic sanctions— most of which failed to elicit any change in the sanctioned country—“has distorted analysts view of the dynamics and characteristics of economic sanctions.” Barbara Geddes (1990) charges that many analyses of industrial policy have focused exclusively on the most successful cases—primarily the East Asian NICs—leading to biased inferences. Anna Breman and Carolyn Shelton (2001) show that case‐study work on the question of structural adjustment is systematically biased insofar as researchers tend to focus on disaster cases—those where structural adjustment is associated with very poor health and human development outcomes. These cases, often located in sub‐Saharan Africa, are by no means representative of the entire population. Consequently, scholarship on the question of structural adjustment is highly skewed in a particular ideological direction (against neoliberalism) (see also Gerring, Thacker, and Moreno 2005) .

These examples might be multiplied many times. Indeed, for many topics the most‐studied cases are acknowledged to be less than representative. It is worth reflecting upon the fact that our knowledge of the world is heavily colored by a few “big” (populous, rich, powerful) countries, and that a good portion of the disciplines of economics, political science, and sociology are built upon scholars' familiarity with the economics, political science, and sociology of one country, the United States. 23 Case‐study work is particularly prone to problems of investigator bias since so much rides on the researcher's selection of one (or a few) cases. Even if the investigator is unbiased, her sample may still be biased simply by virtue of “random” error (which may be understood as measurement error, error in the data‐generation process, or as an underlying causal feature of the universe).

There are only two situations in which a case‐study researcher need not be concerned with the representativeness of her chosen case. The first is the influential case research design, where a case is chosen because of its possible influence on a cross‐case model, and hence is not expected to be representative of a larger sample. The second is the deviant‐case method, where the chosen case is employed to confirm a broader cross‐case argument to which the case stands as an apparent exception. Yet even here the chosen case is expected to be representative of a broader set of cases—those, in particular, that are poorly explained by the extant model.

In all other circumstances, cases must be representative of the population of interest in whatever ways might be relevant to the proposition in question. Note that where a researcher is attempting to disconfirm a deterministic proposition the question of representativeness is perhaps more appropriately understood as a question of classification: Is the chosen case appropriately classified as a member of the designated population? If so, then it is fodder for a disconfirming case study.

If the researcher is attempting to confirm a deterministic proposition, or to make probabilistic arguments about a causal relationship, then the problem of representativeness is of the more usual sort: Is case A unit‐homogeneous relative to other cases in the population? This is not an easy matter to test. However, in a large‐ N context the residual for that case (in whatever model the researcher has greatest confidence in) is a reasonable place to start. Of course, this test is only as good as the model at hand. Any incorrect specifications or incorrect modeling procedures will likely bias the results and give an incorrect assessment of each case's “typicality.” In addition, there is the possibility of stochastic error, errors that cannot be modeled in a general framework. Given the explanatory weight that individual cases are asked to bear in a case‐study analysis, it is wise to consider more than just the residual test of representativeness. Deductive logic and an in‐depth knowledge of the case in question are often more reliable tools than the results of a cross‐case model.

In any case, there is no dispensing with the question. Case studies (with the two exceptions already noted) rest upon an assumed synecdoche: The case should stand for a population. If this is not true, or if there is reason to doubt this assumption, then the utility of the case study is brought severely into question.

Fortunately, there is some safety in numbers. Insofar as case‐study evidence is combined with cross‐case evidence the issue of sample bias is mitigated. Indeed, the suspicion of case‐study work that one finds in the social sciences today is, in my view, a product of a too‐literal interpretation of the case‐study method. A case study tout court is thought to mean a case study tout seul . Insofar as case studies and cross‐case studies can be enlisted within the same investigation (either in the same study or by reference to other studies in the same subfield), problems of representativeness are less worrisome. This is the virtue of cross‐level work, a.k.a. “triangulation.”

11 Ambiguities

Before concluding, I wish to draw attention to two ambiguities in case‐selection strategies in case‐study research. The first concerns the admixture of several case‐ selection strategies. The second concerns the changing status of a case as a study proceeds.

Some case studies follow only one strategy of case selection. They are typical , diverse , extreme , deviant , influential , crucial , pathway , most‐similar , or most‐different research designs, as discussed. However, many case studies mix and match among these case‐selection strategies. Indeed, insofar as all case studies seek representative samples, they are always in search of “typical” cases. Thus, it is common for writers to declare that their case is, for example, both extreme and typical; it has an extreme value on X   1 or Y but is not, in other respects, idiosyncratic. There is not much that one can say about these combinations of strategies except that, where the cases allow for a variety of empirical strategies, there is no reason not to pursue them. And where the same cases can serve several functions at once (without further effort on the researcher's part), there is little cost to a multi‐pronged approach to case analysis.

The second issue that deserves emphasis is the changing status of a case during the course of a researcher's investigation—which may last for years, if not decades. The problem is acute wherever a researcher begins in an exploratory mode and proceeds to hypothesis‐testing (that is, she develops a specific X   1 / Y proposition) or where the operative hypothesis or key control variable changes (a new causal factor is discovered or another outcome becomes the focus of analysis). Things change. And it is the mark of a good researcher to keep her mind open to new evidence and new insights. Too often, methodological discussions give the misleading impression that hypotheses are clear and remain fixed over the course of a study's development. Nothing could be further from the truth. The unofficial transcripts of academia— accessible in informal settings, where researchers let their guards down (particularly if inebriated)—are filled with stories about dead‐ends, unexpected findings, and drastically revised theory chapters. It would be interesting, in this vein, to compare published work with dissertation prospectuses and fellowship applications. I doubt if the correlation between these two stages of research is particularly strong.

Research, after all, is about discovery, not simply the verification or falsification of static hypotheses. That said, it is also true that research on a particular topic should move from hypothesis generating to hypothesis‐testing. This marks the progress of a field, and of a scholar's own work. As a rule, research that begins with an open‐ended ( X ‐ or Y ‐centered) analysis should conclude with a determinate X   1 / Y hypothesis.

The problem is that research strategies that are ideal for exploration are not always ideal for confirmation. The extreme‐case method is inherently exploratory since there is no clear causal hypothesis; the researcher is concerned merely to explore variation on a single dimension ( X or Y ). Other methods can be employed in either an open‐ ended (exploratory) or a hypothesis‐testing (confirmatory/disconfirmatory) mode. The difficulty is that once the researcher has arrived at a determinate hypothesis the originally chosen research design may no longer appear to be so well designed.

This is unfortunate, but inevitable. One cannot construct the perfect research design until (a) one has a specific hypothesis and (b) one is reasonably certain about what one is going to find “out there” in the empirical world. This is particularly true of observational research designs, but it also applies to many experimental research designs: Usually, there is a “good” (informative) finding, and a finding that is less insightful. In short, the perfect case‐study research design is usually apparent only ex post facto .

There are three ways to handle this. One can explain, straightforwardly, that the initial research was undertaken in an exploratory fashion, and therefore not constructed to test the specific hypothesis that is—now—the primary argument. Alternatively, one can try to redesign the study after the new (or revised) hypothesis has been formulated. This may require additional field research or perhaps the integration of additional cases or variables that can be obtained through secondary sources or through consultation of experts. A final approach is to simply jettison, or de‐emphasize, the portion of research that no longer addresses the (revised) key hypothesis. A three‐case study may become a two‐case study, and so forth. Lost time and effort are the costs of this downsizing.

In the event, practical considerations will probably determine which of these three strategies, or combinations of strategies, is to be followed. (They are not mutually exclusive.) The point to remember is that revision of one's cross‐case research design is normal and perhaps to be expected. Not all twists and turns on the meandering trail of truth can be anticipated.

12 Are There Other Methods of Case Selection?

At the outset of this chapter I summarized the task of case selection as a matter of achieving two objectives: representativeness (typicality) and variation (causal leverage). Evidently, there are other objectives as well. For example, one wishes to identify cases that are independent of each other. If chosen cases are affected by each other (sometimes known as Galton's problem or a problem of diffusion), this problem must be corrected before analysis can take place. I have neglected this issue because it is usually apparent to the researcher and, in any case, there are no simple techniques that might be utilized to correct for such biases. (For further discussion of this and other factors impinging upon case selection see Gerring 2001 , 178–81.)

I have also disregarded pragmatic/logistical issues that might affect case selection. Evidently, case selection is often influenced by a researcher's familiarity with the language of a country, a personal entrée into that locale, special access to important data, or funding that covers one archive rather than another. Pragmatic considerations are often—and quite rightly—decisive in the case‐selection process.

A final consideration concerns the theoretical prominence of a particular case within the literature on a subject. Researchers are sometimes obliged to study cases that have received extensive attention in previous studies. These are sometimes referred to as “paradigmatic” cases or “exemplars” ( Flyvbjerg 2004 , 427).

However, neither pragmatic/logistical utility nor theoretical prominence qualifies as a methodological factor in case selection. That is, these features of a case have no bearing on the validity of the findings stemming from a study. As such, it is appropriate to grant these issues a peripheral status in this chapter.

One final caveat must be issued. While it is traditional to distinguish among the tasks of case selection and case analysis, a close look at these processes shows them to be indistinct and overlapping. One cannot choose a case without considering the sort of analysis that it might be subjected to, and vice versa. Thus, the reader should consider choosing cases by employing the nine techniques laid out in this chapter along with any considerations that might be introduced by virtue of a case's quasi‐experimental qualities, a topic taken up elsewhere ( Gerring 2007 , ch. 6 ).

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Gujarati (2003) ; Kennedy (2003) . Interestingly, the potential of cross‐case statistics in helping to choose cases for in‐depth analysis is recognized in some of the earliest discussions of the case‐study method (e.g. Queen 1928 , 226).

This expands on Mill (1843/1872 , 253), who wrote of scientific enquiry as twofold: “either inquiries into the cause of a given effect or into the effects or properties of a given cause.”

This method has not received much attention on the part of qualitative methodologists; hence, the absence of a generally recognized name. It bears some resemblance to J. S. Mill's Joint Method of Agreement and Difference ( Mill 1843/1872 ), which is to say a mixture of most‐similar and most‐different analysis, as discussed below. Patton (2002 , 234) employs the concept of “maximum variation (heterogeneity) sampling.”

More precisely, George and Smoke (1974 , 534, 522–36, ch. 18 ; see also discussion in Collier and Mahoney 1996 , 78) set out to investigate causal pathways and discovered, through the course of their investigation of many cases, these three causal types. Yet, for our purposes what is important is that the final sample includes at least one representative of each “type.”

For further examples see Collier and Mahoney (1996) ; Geddes (1990) ; Tendler (1997) .

Traditionally, methodologists have conceptualized cases as having “positive” or “negative” values (e.g. Emigh 1997 ; Mahoney and Goertz 2004 ; Ragin 2000 , 60; 2004 , 126).

Geddes (1990) ; King, Keohane, and Verba (1994) . See also discussion in Brady and Collier (2004) ; Collier and Mahoney (1996) ; Rogowski (1995) .

The exception would be a circumstance in which the researcher intends to disprove a deterministic argument ( Dion 1998 ).

Geddes (2003 , 131). For other examples of casework from the annals of medicine see “Clinical reports” in the Lancet , “Case studies” in Canadian Medical Association Journal , and various issues of the Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology , often devoted to clinical cases (discussed in Jenicek 2001 , 7). For examples from the subfield of comparative politics see Kazancigil (1994) .

For a discussion of the important role of anomalies in the development of scientific theorizing see Elman (2003) ; Lakatos (1978) . For examples of deviant‐case research designs in the social sciences see Amenta (1991) ; Coppedge (2004) ; Eckstein (1975) ; Emigh (1997) ; Kendall and Wolf (1949/1955) .

For examples of the crucial‐case method see Bennett, Lepgold, and Unger (1994) ; Desch (2002) ; Goodin and Smitsman (2000) ; Kemp (1986) ; Reilly and Phillpot (2003) . For general discussion see George and Bennett (2005) ; Levy (2002) ; Stinchcombe (1968 , 24–8).

A third position, which purports to be neither Popperian or Bayesian, has been articulated by Mayo (1996 , ch. 6 ). From this perspective, the same idea is articulated as a matter of “severe tests.”

It should be noted that Tsai's conclusions do not rest solely on this crucial case. Indeed, she employs a broad range of methodological tools, encompassing case‐study and cross‐case methods.

See also the discussion in Eckstein (1975) and Lijphart (1969) . For additional examples of case studies disconfirming general propositions of a deterministic nature see Allen (1965); Lipset, Trow, and Coleman (1956) ; Njolstad (1990) ; Reilly (2000–1) ; and discussion in Dion (1998) ; Rogowski (1995) .

Granted, insofar as case‐study analysis provides a window into causal mechanisms, and causal mechanisms are integral to a given theory, a single case may be enlisted to confirm or disconfirm a proposition. However, if the case study upholds a posited pattern of X/Y covariation, and finds fault only with the stipulated causal mechanism, it would be more accurate to say that the study forces the reformulation of a given theory, rather than its confirmation or disconfirmation. See further discussion in the following section.

Sometimes, the most‐similar method is known as the “method of difference,” after its inventor ( Mill 1843/1872 ). For later treatments see Cohen and Nagel (1934) ; Eggan (1954) ; Gerring (2001 , ch. 9 ); Lijphart (1971 ; 1975) ; Meckstroth (1975) ; Przeworski and Teune (1970) ; Skocpol and Somers (1980) .

For good introductions see Ho et al. (2004) ; Morgan and Harding (2005) ; Rosenbaum (2004) ; Rosenbaum and Silber (2001) . For a discussion of matching procedures in Stata see Abadie et al. (2001) .

The most‐different method is also sometimes referred to as the “method of agreement,” following its inventor, J. S. Mill (1843/1872) . See also De Felice (1986) ; Gerring (2001 , 212–14); Lijphart (1971 ; 1975) ; Meckstroth (1975) ; Przeworski and Teune (1970) ; Skocpol and Somers (1980) . For examples of this method see Collier and Collier (1991/2002) ; Converse and Dupeux (1962) ; Karl (1997) ; Moore (1966) ; Skocpol (1979) ; Yashar (2005 , 23). However, most of these studies are described as combining most‐similar and most‐different methods.

In the following discussion I treat the terms social capital, civil society, and civic engagement interchangeably.

E.g. Collier and Collier (1991/2002) ; Karl (1997) ; Moore (1966) ; Skocpol (1979) ; Yashar (2005 , 23). Karl (1997) , which affects to be a most‐different system analysis (20), is a particularly clear example of this. Her study, focused ostensibly on petro‐states (states with large oil reserves), makes two sorts of inferences. The first concerns the (usually) obstructive role of oil in political and economic development. The second sort of inference concerns variation within the population of petro‐states, showing that some countries (e.g. Norway, Indonesia) manage to avoid the pathologies brought on elsewhere by oil resources. When attempting to explain the constraining role of oil on petro‐states, Karl usually relies on contrasts between petro‐states and nonpetro‐states (e.g. ch. 10 ). Only when attempting to explain differences among petro‐states does she restrict her sample to petro‐states. In my opinion, very little use is made of the most‐different research design.

This was recognized, at least implicitly, by Mill (1843/1872 , 258–9). Skepticism has been echoed by methodologists in the intervening years (e.g. Cohen and Nagel 1934 , 251–6; Gerring 2001 ; Skocpol and Somers 1980 ). Indeed, explicit defenses of the most‐different method are rare (but see De Felice 1986 ).

Another way of stating this is to say that X is a “nontrivial necessary condition” of Y .

Wahlke (1979 , 13) writes of the failings of the “behavioralist” mode of political science analysis: “It rarely aims at generalization; research efforts have been confined essentially to case studies of single political systems, most of them dealing …with the American system.”

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• Case Study | Definition, Examples & Methods

Case Study | Definition, Examples & Methods

Published on 5 May 2022 by Shona McCombes . Revised on 30 January 2023.

A case study is a detailed study of a specific subject, such as a person, group, place, event, organisation, or phenomenon. Case studies are commonly used in social, educational, clinical, and business research.

A case study research design usually involves qualitative methods , but quantitative methods are sometimes also used. Case studies are good for describing , comparing, evaluating, and understanding different aspects of a research problem .

Table of contents

When to do a case study, step 1: select a case, step 2: build a theoretical framework, step 3: collect your data, step 4: describe and analyse the case.

A case study is an appropriate research design when you want to gain concrete, contextual, in-depth knowledge about a specific real-world subject. It allows you to explore the key characteristics, meanings, and implications of the case.

Case studies are often a good choice in a thesis or dissertation . They keep your project focused and manageable when you don’t have the time or resources to do large-scale research.

You might use just one complex case study where you explore a single subject in depth, or conduct multiple case studies to compare and illuminate different aspects of your research problem.

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Once you have developed your problem statement and research questions , you should be ready to choose the specific case that you want to focus on. A good case study should have the potential to:

• Provide new or unexpected insights into the subject
• Challenge or complicate existing assumptions and theories
• Propose practical courses of action to resolve a problem
• Open up new directions for future research

Unlike quantitative or experimental research, a strong case study does not require a random or representative sample. In fact, case studies often deliberately focus on unusual, neglected, or outlying cases which may shed new light on the research problem.

If you find yourself aiming to simultaneously investigate and solve an issue, consider conducting action research . As its name suggests, action research conducts research and takes action at the same time, and is highly iterative and flexible. 

However, you can also choose a more common or representative case to exemplify a particular category, experience, or phenomenon.

While case studies focus more on concrete details than general theories, they should usually have some connection with theory in the field. This way the case study is not just an isolated description, but is integrated into existing knowledge about the topic. It might aim to:

• Exemplify a theory by showing how it explains the case under investigation
• Expand on a theory by uncovering new concepts and ideas that need to be incorporated
• Challenge a theory by exploring an outlier case that doesn’t fit with established assumptions

To ensure that your analysis of the case has a solid academic grounding, you should conduct a literature review of sources related to the topic and develop a theoretical framework . This means identifying key concepts and theories to guide your analysis and interpretation.

There are many different research methods you can use to collect data on your subject. Case studies tend to focus on qualitative data using methods such as interviews, observations, and analysis of primary and secondary sources (e.g., newspaper articles, photographs, official records). Sometimes a case study will also collect quantitative data .

The aim is to gain as thorough an understanding as possible of the case and its context.

In writing up the case study, you need to bring together all the relevant aspects to give as complete a picture as possible of the subject.

How you report your findings depends on the type of research you are doing. Some case studies are structured like a standard scientific paper or thesis, with separate sections or chapters for the methods , results , and discussion .

Others are written in a more narrative style, aiming to explore the case from various angles and analyse its meanings and implications (for example, by using textual analysis or discourse analysis ).

In all cases, though, make sure to give contextual details about the case, connect it back to the literature and theory, and discuss how it fits into wider patterns or debates.

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This chapter reviews the strengths and limitations of case study as a research method in social sciences. It provides an account of an evidence base to justify why a case study is best suitable for some research questions and why not for some other research questions. Case study designing around the research context, defining the structure and modality, conducting the study, collecting the data through triangulation mode, analysing the data, and interpreting the data and theory building at the end give a holistic view of it. In addition, the chapter also focuses on the types of case study and when and where to use case study as a research method in social science research.

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Home » Case Study – Methods, Examples and Guide

Case Study – Methods, Examples and Guide

Table of Contents

A case study is a research method that involves an in-depth examination and analysis of a particular phenomenon or case, such as an individual, organization, community, event, or situation.

It is a qualitative research approach that aims to provide a detailed and comprehensive understanding of the case being studied. Case studies typically involve multiple sources of data, including interviews, observations, documents, and artifacts, which are analyzed using various techniques, such as content analysis, thematic analysis, and grounded theory. The findings of a case study are often used to develop theories, inform policy or practice, or generate new research questions.

Types of Case Study

Types and Methods of Case Study are as follows:

Single-Case Study

A single-case study is an in-depth analysis of a single case. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to understand a specific phenomenon in detail.

For Example , A researcher might conduct a single-case study on a particular individual to understand their experiences with a particular health condition or a specific organization to explore their management practices. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as content analysis or thematic analysis. The findings of a single-case study are often used to generate new research questions, develop theories, or inform policy or practice.

Multiple-Case Study

A multiple-case study involves the analysis of several cases that are similar in nature. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to identify similarities and differences between the cases.

For Example, a researcher might conduct a multiple-case study on several companies to explore the factors that contribute to their success or failure. The researcher collects data from each case, compares and contrasts the findings, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as comparative analysis or pattern-matching. The findings of a multiple-case study can be used to develop theories, inform policy or practice, or generate new research questions.

Exploratory Case Study

An exploratory case study is used to explore a new or understudied phenomenon. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to generate hypotheses or theories about the phenomenon.

For Example, a researcher might conduct an exploratory case study on a new technology to understand its potential impact on society. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as grounded theory or content analysis. The findings of an exploratory case study can be used to generate new research questions, develop theories, or inform policy or practice.

Descriptive Case Study

A descriptive case study is used to describe a particular phenomenon in detail. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to provide a comprehensive account of the phenomenon.

For Example, a researcher might conduct a descriptive case study on a particular community to understand its social and economic characteristics. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as content analysis or thematic analysis. The findings of a descriptive case study can be used to inform policy or practice or generate new research questions.

Instrumental Case Study

An instrumental case study is used to understand a particular phenomenon that is instrumental in achieving a particular goal. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to understand the role of the phenomenon in achieving the goal.

For Example, a researcher might conduct an instrumental case study on a particular policy to understand its impact on achieving a particular goal, such as reducing poverty. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as content analysis or thematic analysis. The findings of an instrumental case study can be used to inform policy or practice or generate new research questions.

Case Study Data Collection Methods

Here are some common data collection methods for case studies:

Interviews involve asking questions to individuals who have knowledge or experience relevant to the case study. Interviews can be structured (where the same questions are asked to all participants) or unstructured (where the interviewer follows up on the responses with further questions). Interviews can be conducted in person, over the phone, or through video conferencing.

Observations

Observations involve watching and recording the behavior and activities of individuals or groups relevant to the case study. Observations can be participant (where the researcher actively participates in the activities) or non-participant (where the researcher observes from a distance). Observations can be recorded using notes, audio or video recordings, or photographs.

Documents can be used as a source of information for case studies. Documents can include reports, memos, emails, letters, and other written materials related to the case study. Documents can be collected from the case study participants or from public sources.

Surveys involve asking a set of questions to a sample of individuals relevant to the case study. Surveys can be administered in person, over the phone, through mail or email, or online. Surveys can be used to gather information on attitudes, opinions, or behaviors related to the case study.

Artifacts are physical objects relevant to the case study. Artifacts can include tools, equipment, products, or other objects that provide insights into the case study phenomenon.

How to conduct Case Study Research

Conducting a case study research involves several steps that need to be followed to ensure the quality and rigor of the study. Here are the steps to conduct case study research:

• Define the research questions: The first step in conducting a case study research is to define the research questions. The research questions should be specific, measurable, and relevant to the case study phenomenon under investigation.
• Select the case: The next step is to select the case or cases to be studied. The case should be relevant to the research questions and should provide rich and diverse data that can be used to answer the research questions.
• Collect data: Data can be collected using various methods, such as interviews, observations, documents, surveys, and artifacts. The data collection method should be selected based on the research questions and the nature of the case study phenomenon.
• Analyze the data: The data collected from the case study should be analyzed using various techniques, such as content analysis, thematic analysis, or grounded theory. The analysis should be guided by the research questions and should aim to provide insights and conclusions relevant to the research questions.
• Draw conclusions: The conclusions drawn from the case study should be based on the data analysis and should be relevant to the research questions. The conclusions should be supported by evidence and should be clearly stated.
• Validate the findings: The findings of the case study should be validated by reviewing the data and the analysis with participants or other experts in the field. This helps to ensure the validity and reliability of the findings.
• Write the report: The final step is to write the report of the case study research. The report should provide a clear description of the case study phenomenon, the research questions, the data collection methods, the data analysis, the findings, and the conclusions. The report should be written in a clear and concise manner and should follow the guidelines for academic writing.

Examples of Case Study

Here are some examples of case study research:

• The Hawthorne Studies : Conducted between 1924 and 1932, the Hawthorne Studies were a series of case studies conducted by Elton Mayo and his colleagues to examine the impact of work environment on employee productivity. The studies were conducted at the Hawthorne Works plant of the Western Electric Company in Chicago and included interviews, observations, and experiments.
• The Stanford Prison Experiment: Conducted in 1971, the Stanford Prison Experiment was a case study conducted by Philip Zimbardo to examine the psychological effects of power and authority. The study involved simulating a prison environment and assigning participants to the role of guards or prisoners. The study was controversial due to the ethical issues it raised.
• The Challenger Disaster: The Challenger Disaster was a case study conducted to examine the causes of the Space Shuttle Challenger explosion in 1986. The study included interviews, observations, and analysis of data to identify the technical, organizational, and cultural factors that contributed to the disaster.
• The Enron Scandal: The Enron Scandal was a case study conducted to examine the causes of the Enron Corporation’s bankruptcy in 2001. The study included interviews, analysis of financial data, and review of documents to identify the accounting practices, corporate culture, and ethical issues that led to the company’s downfall.
• The Fukushima Nuclear Disaster : The Fukushima Nuclear Disaster was a case study conducted to examine the causes of the nuclear accident that occurred at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant in Japan in 2011. The study included interviews, analysis of data, and review of documents to identify the technical, organizational, and cultural factors that contributed to the disaster.

Application of Case Study

Case studies have a wide range of applications across various fields and industries. Here are some examples:

Business and Management

Case studies are widely used in business and management to examine real-life situations and develop problem-solving skills. Case studies can help students and professionals to develop a deep understanding of business concepts, theories, and best practices.

Case studies are used in healthcare to examine patient care, treatment options, and outcomes. Case studies can help healthcare professionals to develop critical thinking skills, diagnose complex medical conditions, and develop effective treatment plans.

Case studies are used in education to examine teaching and learning practices. Case studies can help educators to develop effective teaching strategies, evaluate student progress, and identify areas for improvement.

Social Sciences

Case studies are widely used in social sciences to examine human behavior, social phenomena, and cultural practices. Case studies can help researchers to develop theories, test hypotheses, and gain insights into complex social issues.

Law and Ethics

Case studies are used in law and ethics to examine legal and ethical dilemmas. Case studies can help lawyers, policymakers, and ethical professionals to develop critical thinking skills, analyze complex cases, and make informed decisions.

Purpose of Case Study

The purpose of a case study is to provide a detailed analysis of a specific phenomenon, issue, or problem in its real-life context. A case study is a qualitative research method that involves the in-depth exploration and analysis of a particular case, which can be an individual, group, organization, event, or community.

The primary purpose of a case study is to generate a comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the case, including its history, context, and dynamics. Case studies can help researchers to identify and examine the underlying factors, processes, and mechanisms that contribute to the case and its outcomes. This can help to develop a more accurate and detailed understanding of the case, which can inform future research, practice, or policy.

Case studies can also serve other purposes, including:

• Illustrating a theory or concept: Case studies can be used to illustrate and explain theoretical concepts and frameworks, providing concrete examples of how they can be applied in real-life situations.
• Developing hypotheses: Case studies can help to generate hypotheses about the causal relationships between different factors and outcomes, which can be tested through further research.
• Providing insight into complex issues: Case studies can provide insights into complex and multifaceted issues, which may be difficult to understand through other research methods.
• Informing practice or policy: Case studies can be used to inform practice or policy by identifying best practices, lessons learned, or areas for improvement.

Advantages of Case Study Research

There are several advantages of case study research, including:

• In-depth exploration: Case study research allows for a detailed exploration and analysis of a specific phenomenon, issue, or problem in its real-life context. This can provide a comprehensive understanding of the case and its dynamics, which may not be possible through other research methods.
• Rich data: Case study research can generate rich and detailed data, including qualitative data such as interviews, observations, and documents. This can provide a nuanced understanding of the case and its complexity.
• Holistic perspective: Case study research allows for a holistic perspective of the case, taking into account the various factors, processes, and mechanisms that contribute to the case and its outcomes. This can help to develop a more accurate and comprehensive understanding of the case.
• Theory development: Case study research can help to develop and refine theories and concepts by providing empirical evidence and concrete examples of how they can be applied in real-life situations.
• Practical application: Case study research can inform practice or policy by identifying best practices, lessons learned, or areas for improvement.
• Contextualization: Case study research takes into account the specific context in which the case is situated, which can help to understand how the case is influenced by the social, cultural, and historical factors of its environment.

Limitations of Case Study Research

There are several limitations of case study research, including:

• Limited generalizability : Case studies are typically focused on a single case or a small number of cases, which limits the generalizability of the findings. The unique characteristics of the case may not be applicable to other contexts or populations, which may limit the external validity of the research.
• Biased sampling: Case studies may rely on purposive or convenience sampling, which can introduce bias into the sample selection process. This may limit the representativeness of the sample and the generalizability of the findings.
• Subjectivity: Case studies rely on the interpretation of the researcher, which can introduce subjectivity into the analysis. The researcher’s own biases, assumptions, and perspectives may influence the findings, which may limit the objectivity of the research.
• Limited control: Case studies are typically conducted in naturalistic settings, which limits the control that the researcher has over the environment and the variables being studied. This may limit the ability to establish causal relationships between variables.
• Time-consuming: Case studies can be time-consuming to conduct, as they typically involve a detailed exploration and analysis of a specific case. This may limit the feasibility of conducting multiple case studies or conducting case studies in a timely manner.
• Resource-intensive: Case studies may require significant resources, including time, funding, and expertise. This may limit the ability of researchers to conduct case studies in resource-constrained settings.

About the author

Muhammad Hassan

Researcher, Academic Writer, Web developer

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The case study approach

Sarah crowe.

1 Division of Primary Care, The University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK

Kathrin Cresswell

2 Centre for Population Health Sciences, The University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK

Ann Robertson

3 School of Health in Social Science, The University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK

Anthony Avery

Aziz sheikh.

The case study approach allows in-depth, multi-faceted explorations of complex issues in their real-life settings. The value of the case study approach is well recognised in the fields of business, law and policy, but somewhat less so in health services research. Based on our experiences of conducting several health-related case studies, we reflect on the different types of case study design, the specific research questions this approach can help answer, the data sources that tend to be used, and the particular advantages and disadvantages of employing this methodological approach. The paper concludes with key pointers to aid those designing and appraising proposals for conducting case study research, and a checklist to help readers assess the quality of case study reports.

Introduction

The case study approach is particularly useful to employ when there is a need to obtain an in-depth appreciation of an issue, event or phenomenon of interest, in its natural real-life context. Our aim in writing this piece is to provide insights into when to consider employing this approach and an overview of key methodological considerations in relation to the design, planning, analysis, interpretation and reporting of case studies.

The illustrative 'grand round', 'case report' and 'case series' have a long tradition in clinical practice and research. Presenting detailed critiques, typically of one or more patients, aims to provide insights into aspects of the clinical case and, in doing so, illustrate broader lessons that may be learnt. In research, the conceptually-related case study approach can be used, for example, to describe in detail a patient's episode of care, explore professional attitudes to and experiences of a new policy initiative or service development or more generally to 'investigate contemporary phenomena within its real-life context' [ 1 ]. Based on our experiences of conducting a range of case studies, we reflect on when to consider using this approach, discuss the key steps involved and illustrate, with examples, some of the practical challenges of attaining an in-depth understanding of a 'case' as an integrated whole. In keeping with previously published work, we acknowledge the importance of theory to underpin the design, selection, conduct and interpretation of case studies[ 2 ]. In so doing, we make passing reference to the different epistemological approaches used in case study research by key theoreticians and methodologists in this field of enquiry.

This paper is structured around the following main questions: What is a case study? What are case studies used for? How are case studies conducted? What are the potential pitfalls and how can these be avoided? We draw in particular on four of our own recently published examples of case studies (see Tables ​ Tables1, 1 , ​ ,2, 2 , ​ ,3 3 and ​ and4) 4 ) and those of others to illustrate our discussion[ 3 - 7 ].

Example of a case study investigating the reasons for differences in recruitment rates of minority ethnic people in asthma research[ 3 ]

Example of a case study investigating the process of planning and implementing a service in Primary Care Organisations[ 4 ]

Example of a case study investigating the introduction of the electronic health records[ 5 ]

Example of a case study investigating the formal and informal ways students learn about patient safety[ 6 ]

What is a case study?

A case study is a research approach that is used to generate an in-depth, multi-faceted understanding of a complex issue in its real-life context. It is an established research design that is used extensively in a wide variety of disciplines, particularly in the social sciences. A case study can be defined in a variety of ways (Table ​ (Table5), 5 ), the central tenet being the need to explore an event or phenomenon in depth and in its natural context. It is for this reason sometimes referred to as a "naturalistic" design; this is in contrast to an "experimental" design (such as a randomised controlled trial) in which the investigator seeks to exert control over and manipulate the variable(s) of interest.

Definitions of a case study

Stake's work has been particularly influential in defining the case study approach to scientific enquiry. He has helpfully characterised three main types of case study: intrinsic , instrumental and collective [ 8 ]. An intrinsic case study is typically undertaken to learn about a unique phenomenon. The researcher should define the uniqueness of the phenomenon, which distinguishes it from all others. In contrast, the instrumental case study uses a particular case (some of which may be better than others) to gain a broader appreciation of an issue or phenomenon. The collective case study involves studying multiple cases simultaneously or sequentially in an attempt to generate a still broader appreciation of a particular issue.

These are however not necessarily mutually exclusive categories. In the first of our examples (Table ​ (Table1), 1 ), we undertook an intrinsic case study to investigate the issue of recruitment of minority ethnic people into the specific context of asthma research studies, but it developed into a instrumental case study through seeking to understand the issue of recruitment of these marginalised populations more generally, generating a number of the findings that are potentially transferable to other disease contexts[ 3 ]. In contrast, the other three examples (see Tables ​ Tables2, 2 , ​ ,3 3 and ​ and4) 4 ) employed collective case study designs to study the introduction of workforce reconfiguration in primary care, the implementation of electronic health records into hospitals, and to understand the ways in which healthcare students learn about patient safety considerations[ 4 - 6 ]. Although our study focusing on the introduction of General Practitioners with Specialist Interests (Table ​ (Table2) 2 ) was explicitly collective in design (four contrasting primary care organisations were studied), is was also instrumental in that this particular professional group was studied as an exemplar of the more general phenomenon of workforce redesign[ 4 ].

What are case studies used for?

According to Yin, case studies can be used to explain, describe or explore events or phenomena in the everyday contexts in which they occur[ 1 ]. These can, for example, help to understand and explain causal links and pathways resulting from a new policy initiative or service development (see Tables ​ Tables2 2 and ​ and3, 3 , for example)[ 1 ]. In contrast to experimental designs, which seek to test a specific hypothesis through deliberately manipulating the environment (like, for example, in a randomised controlled trial giving a new drug to randomly selected individuals and then comparing outcomes with controls),[ 9 ] the case study approach lends itself well to capturing information on more explanatory ' how ', 'what' and ' why ' questions, such as ' how is the intervention being implemented and received on the ground?'. The case study approach can offer additional insights into what gaps exist in its delivery or why one implementation strategy might be chosen over another. This in turn can help develop or refine theory, as shown in our study of the teaching of patient safety in undergraduate curricula (Table ​ (Table4 4 )[ 6 , 10 ]. Key questions to consider when selecting the most appropriate study design are whether it is desirable or indeed possible to undertake a formal experimental investigation in which individuals and/or organisations are allocated to an intervention or control arm? Or whether the wish is to obtain a more naturalistic understanding of an issue? The former is ideally studied using a controlled experimental design, whereas the latter is more appropriately studied using a case study design.

Case studies may be approached in different ways depending on the epistemological standpoint of the researcher, that is, whether they take a critical (questioning one's own and others' assumptions), interpretivist (trying to understand individual and shared social meanings) or positivist approach (orientating towards the criteria of natural sciences, such as focusing on generalisability considerations) (Table ​ (Table6). 6 ). Whilst such a schema can be conceptually helpful, it may be appropriate to draw on more than one approach in any case study, particularly in the context of conducting health services research. Doolin has, for example, noted that in the context of undertaking interpretative case studies, researchers can usefully draw on a critical, reflective perspective which seeks to take into account the wider social and political environment that has shaped the case[ 11 ].

Example of epistemological approaches that may be used in case study research

How are case studies conducted?

Here, we focus on the main stages of research activity when planning and undertaking a case study; the crucial stages are: defining the case; selecting the case(s); collecting and analysing the data; interpreting data; and reporting the findings.

Defining the case

Carefully formulated research question(s), informed by the existing literature and a prior appreciation of the theoretical issues and setting(s), are all important in appropriately and succinctly defining the case[ 8 , 12 ]. Crucially, each case should have a pre-defined boundary which clarifies the nature and time period covered by the case study (i.e. its scope, beginning and end), the relevant social group, organisation or geographical area of interest to the investigator, the types of evidence to be collected, and the priorities for data collection and analysis (see Table ​ Table7 7 )[ 1 ]. A theory driven approach to defining the case may help generate knowledge that is potentially transferable to a range of clinical contexts and behaviours; using theory is also likely to result in a more informed appreciation of, for example, how and why interventions have succeeded or failed[ 13 ].

Example of a checklist for rating a case study proposal[ 8 ]

For example, in our evaluation of the introduction of electronic health records in English hospitals (Table ​ (Table3), 3 ), we defined our cases as the NHS Trusts that were receiving the new technology[ 5 ]. Our focus was on how the technology was being implemented. However, if the primary research interest had been on the social and organisational dimensions of implementation, we might have defined our case differently as a grouping of healthcare professionals (e.g. doctors and/or nurses). The precise beginning and end of the case may however prove difficult to define. Pursuing this same example, when does the process of implementation and adoption of an electronic health record system really begin or end? Such judgements will inevitably be influenced by a range of factors, including the research question, theory of interest, the scope and richness of the gathered data and the resources available to the research team.

Selecting the case(s)

The decision on how to select the case(s) to study is a very important one that merits some reflection. In an intrinsic case study, the case is selected on its own merits[ 8 ]. The case is selected not because it is representative of other cases, but because of its uniqueness, which is of genuine interest to the researchers. This was, for example, the case in our study of the recruitment of minority ethnic participants into asthma research (Table ​ (Table1) 1 ) as our earlier work had demonstrated the marginalisation of minority ethnic people with asthma, despite evidence of disproportionate asthma morbidity[ 14 , 15 ]. In another example of an intrinsic case study, Hellstrom et al.[ 16 ] studied an elderly married couple living with dementia to explore how dementia had impacted on their understanding of home, their everyday life and their relationships.

For an instrumental case study, selecting a "typical" case can work well[ 8 ]. In contrast to the intrinsic case study, the particular case which is chosen is of less importance than selecting a case that allows the researcher to investigate an issue or phenomenon. For example, in order to gain an understanding of doctors' responses to health policy initiatives, Som undertook an instrumental case study interviewing clinicians who had a range of responsibilities for clinical governance in one NHS acute hospital trust[ 17 ]. Sampling a "deviant" or "atypical" case may however prove even more informative, potentially enabling the researcher to identify causal processes, generate hypotheses and develop theory.

In collective or multiple case studies, a number of cases are carefully selected. This offers the advantage of allowing comparisons to be made across several cases and/or replication. Choosing a "typical" case may enable the findings to be generalised to theory (i.e. analytical generalisation) or to test theory by replicating the findings in a second or even a third case (i.e. replication logic)[ 1 ]. Yin suggests two or three literal replications (i.e. predicting similar results) if the theory is straightforward and five or more if the theory is more subtle. However, critics might argue that selecting 'cases' in this way is insufficiently reflexive and ill-suited to the complexities of contemporary healthcare organisations.

The selected case study site(s) should allow the research team access to the group of individuals, the organisation, the processes or whatever else constitutes the chosen unit of analysis for the study. Access is therefore a central consideration; the researcher needs to come to know the case study site(s) well and to work cooperatively with them. Selected cases need to be not only interesting but also hospitable to the inquiry [ 8 ] if they are to be informative and answer the research question(s). Case study sites may also be pre-selected for the researcher, with decisions being influenced by key stakeholders. For example, our selection of case study sites in the evaluation of the implementation and adoption of electronic health record systems (see Table ​ Table3) 3 ) was heavily influenced by NHS Connecting for Health, the government agency that was responsible for overseeing the National Programme for Information Technology (NPfIT)[ 5 ]. This prominent stakeholder had already selected the NHS sites (through a competitive bidding process) to be early adopters of the electronic health record systems and had negotiated contracts that detailed the deployment timelines.

It is also important to consider in advance the likely burden and risks associated with participation for those who (or the site(s) which) comprise the case study. Of particular importance is the obligation for the researcher to think through the ethical implications of the study (e.g. the risk of inadvertently breaching anonymity or confidentiality) and to ensure that potential participants/participating sites are provided with sufficient information to make an informed choice about joining the study. The outcome of providing this information might be that the emotive burden associated with participation, or the organisational disruption associated with supporting the fieldwork, is considered so high that the individuals or sites decide against participation.

In our example of evaluating implementations of electronic health record systems, given the restricted number of early adopter sites available to us, we sought purposively to select a diverse range of implementation cases among those that were available[ 5 ]. We chose a mixture of teaching, non-teaching and Foundation Trust hospitals, and examples of each of the three electronic health record systems procured centrally by the NPfIT. At one recruited site, it quickly became apparent that access was problematic because of competing demands on that organisation. Recognising the importance of full access and co-operative working for generating rich data, the research team decided not to pursue work at that site and instead to focus on other recruited sites.

Collecting the data

In order to develop a thorough understanding of the case, the case study approach usually involves the collection of multiple sources of evidence, using a range of quantitative (e.g. questionnaires, audits and analysis of routinely collected healthcare data) and more commonly qualitative techniques (e.g. interviews, focus groups and observations). The use of multiple sources of data (data triangulation) has been advocated as a way of increasing the internal validity of a study (i.e. the extent to which the method is appropriate to answer the research question)[ 8 , 18 - 21 ]. An underlying assumption is that data collected in different ways should lead to similar conclusions, and approaching the same issue from different angles can help develop a holistic picture of the phenomenon (Table ​ (Table2 2 )[ 4 ].

Brazier and colleagues used a mixed-methods case study approach to investigate the impact of a cancer care programme[ 22 ]. Here, quantitative measures were collected with questionnaires before, and five months after, the start of the intervention which did not yield any statistically significant results. Qualitative interviews with patients however helped provide an insight into potentially beneficial process-related aspects of the programme, such as greater, perceived patient involvement in care. The authors reported how this case study approach provided a number of contextual factors likely to influence the effectiveness of the intervention and which were not likely to have been obtained from quantitative methods alone.

In collective or multiple case studies, data collection needs to be flexible enough to allow a detailed description of each individual case to be developed (e.g. the nature of different cancer care programmes), before considering the emerging similarities and differences in cross-case comparisons (e.g. to explore why one programme is more effective than another). It is important that data sources from different cases are, where possible, broadly comparable for this purpose even though they may vary in nature and depth.

Analysing, interpreting and reporting case studies

Making sense and offering a coherent interpretation of the typically disparate sources of data (whether qualitative alone or together with quantitative) is far from straightforward. Repeated reviewing and sorting of the voluminous and detail-rich data are integral to the process of analysis. In collective case studies, it is helpful to analyse data relating to the individual component cases first, before making comparisons across cases. Attention needs to be paid to variations within each case and, where relevant, the relationship between different causes, effects and outcomes[ 23 ]. Data will need to be organised and coded to allow the key issues, both derived from the literature and emerging from the dataset, to be easily retrieved at a later stage. An initial coding frame can help capture these issues and can be applied systematically to the whole dataset with the aid of a qualitative data analysis software package.

The Framework approach is a practical approach, comprising of five stages (familiarisation; identifying a thematic framework; indexing; charting; mapping and interpretation) , to managing and analysing large datasets particularly if time is limited, as was the case in our study of recruitment of South Asians into asthma research (Table ​ (Table1 1 )[ 3 , 24 ]. Theoretical frameworks may also play an important role in integrating different sources of data and examining emerging themes. For example, we drew on a socio-technical framework to help explain the connections between different elements - technology; people; and the organisational settings within which they worked - in our study of the introduction of electronic health record systems (Table ​ (Table3 3 )[ 5 ]. Our study of patient safety in undergraduate curricula drew on an evaluation-based approach to design and analysis, which emphasised the importance of the academic, organisational and practice contexts through which students learn (Table ​ (Table4 4 )[ 6 ].

Case study findings can have implications both for theory development and theory testing. They may establish, strengthen or weaken historical explanations of a case and, in certain circumstances, allow theoretical (as opposed to statistical) generalisation beyond the particular cases studied[ 12 ]. These theoretical lenses should not, however, constitute a strait-jacket and the cases should not be "forced to fit" the particular theoretical framework that is being employed.

When reporting findings, it is important to provide the reader with enough contextual information to understand the processes that were followed and how the conclusions were reached. In a collective case study, researchers may choose to present the findings from individual cases separately before amalgamating across cases. Care must be taken to ensure the anonymity of both case sites and individual participants (if agreed in advance) by allocating appropriate codes or withholding descriptors. In the example given in Table ​ Table3, 3 , we decided against providing detailed information on the NHS sites and individual participants in order to avoid the risk of inadvertent disclosure of identities[ 5 , 25 ].

What are the potential pitfalls and how can these be avoided?

The case study approach is, as with all research, not without its limitations. When investigating the formal and informal ways undergraduate students learn about patient safety (Table ​ (Table4), 4 ), for example, we rapidly accumulated a large quantity of data. The volume of data, together with the time restrictions in place, impacted on the depth of analysis that was possible within the available resources. This highlights a more general point of the importance of avoiding the temptation to collect as much data as possible; adequate time also needs to be set aside for data analysis and interpretation of what are often highly complex datasets.

Case study research has sometimes been criticised for lacking scientific rigour and providing little basis for generalisation (i.e. producing findings that may be transferable to other settings)[ 1 ]. There are several ways to address these concerns, including: the use of theoretical sampling (i.e. drawing on a particular conceptual framework); respondent validation (i.e. participants checking emerging findings and the researcher's interpretation, and providing an opinion as to whether they feel these are accurate); and transparency throughout the research process (see Table ​ Table8 8 )[ 8 , 18 - 21 , 23 , 26 ]. Transparency can be achieved by describing in detail the steps involved in case selection, data collection, the reasons for the particular methods chosen, and the researcher's background and level of involvement (i.e. being explicit about how the researcher has influenced data collection and interpretation). Seeking potential, alternative explanations, and being explicit about how interpretations and conclusions were reached, help readers to judge the trustworthiness of the case study report. Stake provides a critique checklist for a case study report (Table ​ (Table9 9 )[ 8 ].

Potential pitfalls and mitigating actions when undertaking case study research

Stake's checklist for assessing the quality of a case study report[ 8 ]

Conclusions

The case study approach allows, amongst other things, critical events, interventions, policy developments and programme-based service reforms to be studied in detail in a real-life context. It should therefore be considered when an experimental design is either inappropriate to answer the research questions posed or impossible to undertake. Considering the frequency with which implementations of innovations are now taking place in healthcare settings and how well the case study approach lends itself to in-depth, complex health service research, we believe this approach should be more widely considered by researchers. Though inherently challenging, the research case study can, if carefully conceptualised and thoughtfully undertaken and reported, yield powerful insights into many important aspects of health and healthcare delivery.

Competing interests

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Authors' contributions

AS conceived this article. SC, KC and AR wrote this paper with GH, AA and AS all commenting on various drafts. SC and AS are guarantors.

Pre-publication history

The pre-publication history for this paper can be accessed here:

http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2288/11/100/prepub

Acknowledgements

We are grateful to the participants and colleagues who contributed to the individual case studies that we have drawn on. This work received no direct funding, but it has been informed by projects funded by Asthma UK, the NHS Service Delivery Organisation, NHS Connecting for Health Evaluation Programme, and Patient Safety Research Portfolio. We would also like to thank the expert reviewers for their insightful and constructive feedback. Our thanks are also due to Dr. Allison Worth who commented on an earlier draft of this manuscript.

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This paper is in the following e-collection/theme issue:

Published on 23.5.2024 in Vol 8 (2024)

Barriers to Implementing Registered Nurse–Driven Clinical Decision Support for Antibiotic Stewardship: Retrospective Case Study

Authors of this article:

Original Paper

• Elizabeth R Stevens 1 , MPH, PhD   ; 
• Lynn Xu 1 , MPH   ; 
• JaeEun Kwon 1 , MPP   ; 
• Sumaiya Tasneem 1 , MPH   ; 
• Natalie Henning 1 , MPH   ; 
• Dawn Feldthouse 1 , RN-BC, MSN   ; 
• Eun Ji Kim 2 , MSc, MS, MD   ; 
• Rachel Hess 3, 4 , MS, MD   ; 
• Katherine L Dauber-Decker 2 , PhD   ; 
• Paul D Smith 5 , MD   ; 
• Wendy Halm 6, 7 , DNP   ; 
• Pranisha Gautam-Goyal 2 , MD   ; 
• David A Feldstein 6 , MD   ; 
• Devin M Mann 1, 8 , MS, MD  

1 Department of Population Health, New York University Grossman School of Medicine, New York, NY, United States

2 Northwell, New Hyde Park, NY, United States

3 Department of Population Health Sciences, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT, United States

4 Department of Internal Medicine, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT, United States

5 Department of Family Medicine and Community Health, University of Wisconsin School of Medicine and Public Health, Madison, WI, United States

6 Department of Medicine, University of Wisconsin School of Medicine and Public Health, Madison, WI, United States

7 University of Wisconsin-Madison School of Nursing, Madison, WI, United States

8 Department of Medicine, New York University Langone, New York, NY, United States

Corresponding Author:

Elizabeth R Stevens, MPH, PhD

Department of Population Health

New York University Grossman School of Medicine

180 Madison Ave

New York, NY, 10016

United States

Phone: 1 6465012558

Email: [email protected]

Background: Up to 50% of antibiotic prescriptions for upper respiratory infections (URIs) are inappropriate. Clinical decision support (CDS) systems to mitigate unnecessary antibiotic prescriptions have been implemented into electronic health records, but their use by providers has been limited.

Objective: As a delegation protocol, we adapted a validated electronic health record–integrated clinical prediction rule (iCPR) CDS-based intervention for registered nurses (RNs), consisting of triage to identify patients with low-acuity URI followed by CDS-guided RN visits. It was implemented in February 2022 as a randomized controlled stepped-wedge trial in 43 primary and urgent care practices within 4 academic health systems in New York, Wisconsin, and Utah. While issues were pragmatically addressed as they arose, a systematic assessment of the barriers to implementation is needed to better understand and address these barriers.

Methods: We performed a retrospective case study, collecting quantitative and qualitative data regarding clinical workflows and triage-template use from expert interviews, study surveys, routine check-ins with practice personnel, and chart reviews over the first year of implementation of the iCPR intervention. Guided by the updated CFIR (Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research), we characterized the initial barriers to implementing a URI iCPR intervention for RNs in ambulatory care. CFIR constructs were coded as missing, neutral, weak, or strong implementation factors.

Results: Barriers were identified within all implementation domains. The strongest barriers were found in the outer setting, with those factors trickling down to impact the inner setting. Local conditions driven by COVID-19 served as one of the strongest barriers, impacting attitudes among practice staff and ultimately contributing to a work infrastructure characterized by staff changes, RN shortages and turnover, and competing responsibilities. Policies and laws regarding scope of practice of RNs varied by state and institutional application of those laws, with some allowing more clinical autonomy for RNs. This necessitated different study procedures at each study site to meet practice requirements, increasing innovation complexity. Similarly, institutional policies led to varying levels of compatibility with existing triage, rooming, and documentation workflows. These workflow conflicts were compounded by limited available resources, as well as an implementation climate of optional participation, few participation incentives, and thus low relative priority compared to other clinical duties.

Conclusions: Both between and within health care systems, significant variability existed in workflows for patient intake and triage. Even in a relatively straightforward clinical workflow, workflow and cultural differences appreciably impacted intervention adoption. Takeaways from this study can be applied to other RN delegation protocol implementations of new and innovative CDS tools within existing workflows to support integration and improve uptake. When implementing a system-wide clinical care intervention, considerations must be made for variability in culture and workflows at the state, health system, practice, and individual levels.

Trial Registration: ClinicalTrials.gov NCT04255303; https://clinicaltrials.gov/ct2/show/NCT04255303

Introduction

Antibiotic resistance is a major public health risk, with more than 35,000 deaths each year in the United States due to antibiotic-resistant bacterial infections [ 1 , 2 ]. Overprescribing and misuse of antibiotics for upper respiratory infections (URIs) remain the most significant combined factors causing antibiotic resistance [ 3 , 4 ]. In the United States, up to 50% of all outpatient antibiotic prescriptions for URIs are inappropriate [ 5 , 6 ].

An estimated 80%-90% of antibiotic prescribing occurs in outpatient settings, such as doctors’ offices, urgent care facilities, and emergency departments [ 7 - 9 ]. From 1996 to 2010, 72% of adult patients in primary care with a diagnosis of acute bronchitis received antibiotics contrary to guideline recommendations against antibiotic treatment, and prescription rates actually increased during this time frame [ 10 ]. Patients with sore throats received antibiotics 61% of the time when the prevalence of group A streptococcus, the only clear indication for antibiotics, was only 10% in adults [ 11 ].

By providing real-time evidence-based data to assist providers (physicians, nurse practitioners, and physician assistants) in estimating the likelihood of a patient having either pneumococcal pneumonia or group A streptococcus, electronic health record (EHR)–integrated clinical prediction rules (iCPRs) can help address prescriber-level barriers to antibiotic stewardship and reduce antibiotic prescribing for URIs in primary care [ 12 - 15 ]. Indeed, CPRs have already been validated to successfully distinguish between viral and bacterial respiratory infections [ 16 - 18 ].

While potentially effective, there is low uptake of the iCPR tools among physicians in primary care practices, thus indicating implementation barriers to antibiotic stewardship iCPRs among physicians [ 19 ]. This outcome is consistent with other literature, indicating that physicians perceive antibiotic stewardship as onerous and would require substantial assistance to change their antibiotic prescribing behaviors [ 20 ]. Due to these limitations associated with the physician-driven iCPR implementation model, such as “alert fatigue” and time constraints [ 21 , 22 ], the iCPR intervention was adapted so antibiotic stewardship tasks could be delegated to other qualified members of the medical team.

A registered nurse (RN)–driven implementation model of iCPR for low-acuity URIs has the potential to be an effective alternative to the physician-driven implementation model. RNs have demonstrated equivalent symptom resolution compared to physicians when using protocols to improve ambulatory care across a number of chronic diseases [ 23 ] as well as the treatment of acute minor illnesses [ 24 , 25 ]. Therefore, the iCPR intervention was adapted for RNs to include the identification of patients with low-acuity URI followed by clinical decision support (CDS)–guided RN visits. The intervention was implemented in February 2022 as a stepped-wedge trial in primary and urgent care practices within 4 academic health systems in New York, Wisconsin, and Utah [ 26 ].

Despite a seemingly straightforward URI clinical workflow, the RN-driven iCPR intervention encountered significant barriers early on during implementation. While these issues were pragmatically addressed as they arose during study implementation, a systematic assessment of the barriers to implementation is needed to better understand and address these barriers. The CFIR (Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research) [ 27 ] has been widely used to guide the systematic assessment of multilevel implementation contexts to identify contextual determinants of implementation success [ 28 ]. Using the updated CFIR as a guide [ 29 ], we sought to identify and categorize the barriers experienced during the implementation of the RN-driven antibiotic stewardship “iCPR3” intervention.

We performed a retrospective case study, collecting quantitative and qualitative data from expert interviews, study surveys, routine check-ins with practice personnel, and chart reviews over the first year of implementation of the iCPR3 intervention. We used the updated CFIR [ 29 ] to characterize the initial barriers to adapting a URI iCPR intervention for RNs in ambulatory care.

Ethical Considerations

The study protocol and procedures were approved by the NYU Langone Health institutional review board, which served as the study’s single institutional review board (NYULH Study: i19-01222). Informed consent was received from all participants. Documentation of consent was waived for this study. All study data reported in this manuscript are deidentified. Compensation was not provided for participation.

Study Intervention

The study intervention consists of triage followed by an in-person iCPR–guided RN visit for patients with low-acuity URIs ( Figure 1 ). RNs perform telephone triage (or in urgent care, an RN or medical assistant performs a similar assessment through a rooming protocol) for patients reporting cough or sore throat symptoms to assess acuity, need for primary care, urgent care, or ED visit, and appropriateness for an in-person iCPR–guided RN visit. In the urgent care setting, the assessment is dichotomous as either a need for a provider visit or appropriateness for an iCPR-guided RN visit. The triage tool consists of a prepopulated note template integrated into the EHR system designed to document patient symptoms and their severity and determine the most appropriate level of care. Triage algorithms were based on institutional triage resources for decisions about ED or urgent care visits, primary care visits, and home care [ 30 ].

Patients triaged as low acuity and appropriate for an RN visit are invited for an in-person RN visit that replaces the standard of care provider visit. During the RN visit, guided by iCPR tools, the RN evaluates a patient to determine their risk of bacterial infections of strep pharyngitis (sore throat) or pneumonia (cough). Prepopulated note template EHR tools lead RNs through a focused history and physical examination. Once an RN completes the patient history and physical examination, they use an iCPR tool specific to cough or sore throat to calculate the risk of bacterial infection based on the patient’s vitals, symptoms, and pertinent history [ 26 ]. The iCPR tools are informed by the CPRs [ 17 , 18 , 31 ] used in the iCPR1 and iCPR2 studies [ 12 , 19 ], which were validated in prior studies among patients with acute respiratory illnesses [ 17 , 18 , 31 ]. The CPRs are integrated into the EHR, and upon completion of the calculator, the level of risk with an approximate probability of having either strep pharyngitis or pneumonia is displayed. After completion of the risk calculator, the RN is linked by the EHR to an order set specific to the level of risk, along with relevant patient education.

Setting and Participants

The iCPR3 intervention study was implemented in February 2022, as a randomized controlled stepped-wedge trial, in 43 primary and urgent care practices associated with 4 academic medical centers including 2 in New York, 1 in Wisconsin, and 1 in Utah. To be eligible for participation, a practice must include general internal medicine, family medicine, or urgent care practices. Furthermore, practices must have at least 1 RN full-time equivalent capable of performing triage within the EHR and in-person RN visits.

For this case study, purposive sampling was used to select experts with key knowledge and insight on study implementation from members of the research team and study practices. This sample included research study team members engaged in the implementation of the iCPR3 study (ie, research coordinators, research assistants, and investigators) and study practice personnel (ie, RNs, RN or practice managers, and providers) from each study site (academic medical center). At least 2 research study team members per site participated in semistructured interviews, with those experts determining which practice personnel to include in their data collection. All RNs participating in the iCPR3 intervention were included in study acceptability surveys and routine implementation check-ins with study staff.

Of note, approximately 8 months into iCPR3 implementation, 1 New York–based study site withdrew from the intervention study due to limited practice recruitment and insurmountable barriers to implementing the intervention. Interviews were still performed with site personnel and their comments are included in these analyses.

Data Collection

A semistructured interview guide containing questions based on the 5 domains of CFIR [ 27 , 29 ] was developed. The CFIR constructs supported the research team in defining topics for the interviews and ensured that all major domains in the framework that influence implementation were addressed. Interview questions did not explicitly name or ask participants to name the CFIR domains or constructs. The interviews were performed via in-depth email interviews [ 32 ], in which research study team interviewees were asked questions to identify which of the 48 CFIR constructs were perceived as current barriers to iCPR3 implementation and provided detailed descriptions of the identified barriers and strategies that have already been used by the iCPR3 research study team.

Surveys and Routine Check-Ins

The perspectives of practice personnel were incorporated into the case study based on notes from surveys; individual interviews; or written feedback from RNs, providers, and RN and practice managers collected over the implementation period as routine intervention study procedures. As this was a pragmatic study, study staff routinely elicited informal feedback from practice personnel throughout intervention implementation to identify barriers and improve intervention implementation.

At 6 and 12 months post-RN visit implementation, participating RNs completed a short survey that asked about burnout, job satisfaction, and comfort levels with performing tasks related to treating patients reporting cough and sore throat. The survey also collected information on ease of use of the EHR tools as well as feedback on elements of the intervention, such as training, and recommendations.

Chart Review

Clinical workflows and EHR note templates (triage and RN visits) use in the first 12 months of implementation were collected via chart review. A subset of EHR template uses initiated was evaluated for appropriateness and completeness. To determine the total number of potential patients in a practice eligible for triage template use, patients with visits resulting in a diagnosis code for cough or sore throat were documented ( International Classification of Diseases-10 [ ICD-10 ] codes: R05, R07.0, J20.9, J06.9, and J18.9). The EHR records related to the visit were reviewed to determine patient eligibility for triage and document the workflow leading to the patient visit (ie, how the appointment was scheduled, by whom, and whether appointment notes were present).

CFIR Domains and Constructs

The CFIR was used to retrospectively describe the implementation process of the iCPR3 intervention to identify determinants in this process. Only the determinants relevant to the iCPR3 intervention implementation process were described. The CFIR is composed of 48 constructs sorted into 5 major domains including innovation, outer setting, inner setting, individuals, and implementation process [ 27 , 29 ]. Operationalization of CFIR domains for this study are shown in Table 1 .

a iCPR3: integrated clinical prediction rule 3.

b RN: registered nurse.

Data Coding and Analysis

Insights gathered from the surveys, chart reviews, and formal and informal check-ins with study practice personnel helped inform research study team members’ responses to the semistructured interview guide. The written responses and notes collected from the email interviews were analyzed using techniques of qualitative content analysis, inspired by a deductive-directed approach, deemed applicable because the data were analyzed in light of an existing framework [ 33 ]. The analysis was performed by 3 authors (ERS, LX, and JK) in a stepwise interactive process. The first step in the analysis, after reading all transcripts, notes, and written responses to obtain an understanding of the whole, was to develop initial coding nodes and subnodes based on the domains and constructs of the CFIR [ 29 ].

In the second step, units of analysis, such as sentences or sections of thought, were deductively coded into the nodes and subnodes. Third, the coded text was rated based on the recommended method described by the authors of CFIR, Damschroder and Lowery [ 34 ]. In the rating process, a consensus process was used to assign a rating to each construct obtained from each study site. The ratings reflected the positive or negative influence and the strength of each construct that emerged based on the coded text. When all constructs obtained from all study sites were rated, we compared and compiled ratings for each construct across study sites. Constructs were coded as missing, not distinguishing between positive or negative implementation factors (0), or weakly (+1/–1), or strongly (+2/–2) distinguishing low from high implementation factors ( Table 2 ).

a CFIR: Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research.

b iCPR3: integrated clinical prediction rule intervention.

Barriers and facilitators to implementation were identified within the CFIR domains and constructs and are presented within the frame of CFIR domains including innovation, outer and inner settings, individuals, and implementation process ( Table 3 ).

c Construct lettering and numbers correspond with Damschroder et al [ 27 ].

d Only constructs applicable to the iCPR implementation are cited.

e –2: strong negative influence; –1: weak negative influence; 0: neutral influence; 0 (mix): mixed positive and negative influences, which balanced each other; +1: weak positive influence; +2: strong positive influence; missing: not asked or miscoded.

Outer Setting

Local conditions , primarily driven by the COVID-19 pandemic, served as one of the strongest barriers to implementation as COVID-19 impacted nearly every aspect of implementation from changes in workflows and staffing availability to patient volume and URI care protocols. There were observed changes to URI care protocols including shifts from in-office care to telehealth and redirection to urgent care, driven by COVID-19–testing requirements and hesitancy from both patients and practices to have on-site care. Furthermore, COVID-19 affected local attitudes among practice staff as health issues and burnout led to staff shortages, turnover, and shifting of responsibilities. These barriers were further compounded by regional nursing shortages and financial incentives that drew RNs out of primary care practices.

Policies and laws, such as state regulatory laws and institutional policies, also had a strong impact on the study procedures and implementation. RN scope-of-practice varied by state and between institutions. Wisconsin has existing RN delegation protocols, allowing for more clinical autonomy among RNs than at institutions in New York and Utah. This required additional training and modification to the RN visit portion of the intervention at institutions, where RNs had a more limited scope of practice and could not function autonomously. For example, the New York sites were required to adopt a “co-visit” structure to ensure that providers could oversee RN visits. This created additional scheduling constraints and complexity, as well as an unanticipated burden for providers. Multimedia Appendix 1 shows the analysis of performance measurement pressure and the innovation construct.

Inner Setting

Within the construct of structural characteristics , work infrastructure served as a strong barrier to the intervention implementation as practices across institutions experienced staff changes, RN shortages and turnover, and competing responsibilities that all hindered their ability to effectively participate in the study. Notably, at practices with only 1 RN, implementation was negatively impacted as clinic participation was dependent on 1 individual, whereas at other practices, study responsibilities were distributed across multiple RNs. Within the culture construct, a norm of limited deliverer centeredness , related to the prioritization of the needs and desires of RNs, served as a barrier to the implementation of this RN-focused intervention. As patient ( recipient centeredness ) and provider preferences were prioritized over RN activities, the innovation activities that would have been performed by the RNs were overridden. For example, to ensure patient autonomy, if a patient preferred to see a provider, they were not scheduled for an RN visit even if they were eligible. Similarly, at most institutions (except those with more RN autonomy), RNs tended to defer to providers in terms of preference and final decisions. Therefore, if the provider preferred seeing a patient themselves, the patient, even if eligible for an RN visit, would not be seen by an RN.

Overall, relational connections , specifically the RN-provider dynamic, negatively affected implementation. RNs in the study did not always have open bidirectional communication with providers, thus limiting the self-efficacy of RNs to explain or justify intervention-related activities. As observed within the culture construct, many practices had limited deliverer centeredness , typically deferring to providers to make final decisions, and therefore RNs were hesitant to push these boundaries or make decisions that were contrary to a provider’s preferences. In particular, some sites mentioned some practices having poor relationships among practice staff, even requiring team-building training in some instances. On the other hand, this was less of a barrier at practices, where RNs had more clinical autonomy or had developed stronger relationships within the practice.

Communications culture within practices served as a barrier to effectively implementing aspects of the study; for example, some practices did not have a culture of communicating with patients prior to visits in the form of triage or lacked formalized documentation as information was often conveyed informally (eg, verbal, secure chat message, and free-text note). In some practices, a strong communication system between RNs (ie, a chat channel used by most RNs) served as a facilitator to innovation implementation by allowing RNs to support and answer each other’s questions.

The intervention’s compatibility , or lack thereof, with existing workflows was a strong barrier to implementation, as the necessary intervention-specific workflow adaptions required great effort on the part of the practice if not already in place (eg, front desk forwarding eligible patients for triage, RNs performing triage after appointments had been scheduled, and filling out EHR note templates as opposed to free text). As the new study workflow required changes to the status quo, tension for change also served as a barrier since practices perceived little anticipated benefit from the study as compared to the difficulty of change. Relatedly, relative priority of the intervention was a strong barrier as competing clinical responsibilities and the voluntary nature of the study meant staff would not prioritize study-related tasks.

Overall, there was a lack of incentive systems in place related to study activities, which hindered RN participation. While gift card incentives for RNs performing triage were used, these tended to incentivize the same RNs already using the tools as opposed to encouraging new RNs to participate. Additionally, at institutions where RNs were unable to bill for visits and did not receive any other recognition for their efforts, this lack of incentives was a strong barrier to participation. One institution was able to reduce the influence of this barrier by providing incentives to RNs through continuing education credits, an employee recognition fund, and paid time for training.

Multimedia Appendix 1 presents the analyses of physical infrastructure, IT infrastructure, access to knowledge and information, available resources, learning-centeredness, and mission alignment.

Individuals: Characteristics Subdomain

Both capability and motivation were barriers to implementation. As these tools were new to many of the participating RNs, they were less confident in their skills and required continuous feedback, training, and support. In addition, RNs were not motivated to participate in the study largely due to competing priorities, lack of a strong incentive, and COVID-19–related stress and burnout. Opportunity was also a strong barrier, as RNs did not have many opportunities to use the innovation tools. Conflicting responsibilities, staff shortages, workflow barriers, patient volume, and patient eligibility were observed as contributors to this barrier.

Multimedia Appendix 1 shows the analyses of roles subdomain constructs high-level leaders, mid-level leaders, opinion leaders, innovation deliverers, innovation recipients, implementation facilitators, implementation leaders, and implementation team members. Multimedia Appendix 1 shows the analyses of the implementation process domain constructs assessing context and assessing needs, innovation deliverers, doing, planning and tailoring strategies, teaming, engaging the innovation deliverers, reflecting and evaluating, and adapting.

Principal Findings

This case study identified numerous barriers to the successful implementation of iCPR3, an RN-driven antibiotic stewardship intervention. Many of the identified barriers are consistent with those observed in other interventions that sought to alter nursing responsibilities and workflows within primary care [ 35 , 36 ]. The most impactful barriers were noted within the outer setting, and these conditions were observed to influence the inner setting constructs. The effects of COVID-19 served as an overarching barrier that impacted nearly all implementation constructs, shifting the culture and conditions at many participating practices as well as decreasing the capacity of practices to engage in activities perceived as nonessential. These barriers, however, were less prevalent within clinics that had previously established workflows with patient care within the RN role description. Takeaways from this study can be applied to support integration and improve uptake during the implementation of other RN delegation protocols involving CDS tools into existing workflows.

Policies impacting innovation deliverers’ (RNs) clinical autonomy at both the state and institutional levels need to be considered when developing RN delegation protocols as they can impact implementation depending on compatibility with existing workflows. As a multisite study with implementation spanning 3 states, the differing state regulatory laws and institutional policies dictating RN scope-of-practice had a substantial impact on the compatibility of the iCPR3 implementation at each site. This was evident in the higher rate of RN visits occurring in practices in Wisconsin compared to New York. At the Wisconsin study site, there were established delegation protocols for RNs to see patients with minimal provider supervision. In contrast, for the 2 New York study sites, a more complex “covisit” design was developed, which involved joint scheduling of the iCPR3 RN visit followed immediately by a visit for the provider to see the patient and confirm the RN plan of care. The addition of a provider visit component increased the intervention’s dependency on already limited provider availability, thus inhibiting the ability to schedule the iCPR3 RN visits even when a patient was appropriate and willing and an RN was available to conduct the visit. As observed in other RN delegation protocols, considerations for local regulations must be made when assessing the viability of implementing these types of interventions [ 36 ].

Consideration of practice-level culture and work infrastructure is also essential for the successful implementation of an intervention that includes RN delegation protocols. This implementation study revealed impactful differences in existing workflow expectations that affected RN capability and intervention complexity. One unexpected barrier was the influence of practice personnel who were part of the local workflow but were not directly involved in the implementation of the iCPR tools. For example, at one institution, successful implementation of the intervention was reliant on administrative staff to forward patients reporting cough and sore throat to participating RNs for triage. Implementation planning with greater efforts to clarify practice-level workflows, identifying potential stakeholders early on, and engaging these personnel who ultimately support the innovation deliverers can support a successful implementation.

Similarly, when delegating provider tasks to RNs, it is important to secure provider buy-in early on in the implementation process, even with a seemingly RN-focused intervention. Consistent with previous research demonstrating the importance of RN-provider relationships in job satisfaction [ 37 ], this study showed that power dynamics between providers and RNs can serve as a barrier to RN intervention engagement. With a culture of deference to providers, many RNs did not want to overstep these boundaries and would not engage with the intervention if there was any perceived resistance from practice providers. Barriers experienced due to this power structure were further compounded when poor relations existed between RNs and providers. Furthermore, as seen in other clinical academic partnerships, future implementation efforts would benefit from more active engagement of leadership at all levels [ 38 ].

Future clinical delegation interventions may also need to consider alternate care mechanisms to account for unexpected shifts in clinic workflows. Due to the timing of the implementation, one of the largest observed barriers to implementation was the COVID-19 pandemic, which amplified nearly all other barriers and created additional unique challenges. As an intervention specifically designed for in-person care, the shift toward telemedicine driven by the pandemic [ 39 ] had a particularly negative impact on implementation. One study institution piloted a program to divert all patients with URI to telemedicine visits with a centrally employed nurse practitioner, which bypassed all potential points of intervention for the iCPR study. Further diverting potentially eligible patients away from primary care practices was the increased popularity of urgent care centers [ 40 ], which served as an expedient solution for patients with URI seeking to avoid long wait times at many primary care practices. Incorporating alternate care mechanisms to provide agility in the intervention may support the success of study implementation. Similarly, integrating CDS tools with existing EHR tools and templates can help minimize changes in workflow, thereby allowing interventions to be resilient in the face of unforeseen events.

As observed in this case study, the pandemic also directly impacted practice staff and their ability to participate in activities beyond the essential, including research. Practices across all study institutions experienced nursing staff shortages due to RNs themselves being sick, covering for others who are sick, or leaving the practice altogether, thus resulting in a redistribution of responsibilities. An increased workload, along with outside stressors, led to increased reported stress and burnout among practice staff [ 41 ], making it difficult for them to view the study as a daily priority. The voluntary nature of the study and these conflicting responsibilities greatly reduced the opportunity for RNs to use the innovation and participate fully. This was particularly evident in practices that required greater workflow modifications. Practices with existing expectations of note documentation and template use facilitated implementation; however, in other practices, the lack of RN familiarity with these EHR functions required the creation of additional training and workflow modification efforts, as well as a greater perceived effort burden on the part of RNs.

Future implementation should consider the value of face-to-face communication in encouraging engagement and team building during the implementation process [ 42 ]. In addition to its impact at the institutional and practice level, the effects of COVID-19 hindered the implementation process itself, especially early in the planning phase by limiting in-person interactions and creating communication barriers [ 43 ]. With nearly all communication occurring remotely, interactions to collect practice workflow information and engage stakeholders were perceived as less efficient, requiring additional follow-up meetings and hindering the development of relationships of the study team with leadership and innovation deliverers. When in-person practice visits by the research team became feasible, an improvement in practice responsiveness and innovation uptake was observed [ 42 ].

This study had several limitations. First, the use of an emailed in-depth interview hindered the study team’s ability to probe respondents for further information at the moment, potentially limiting the collection of further details that may have impacted the interpretation of interview responses. However, the emailed format increased the feasibility of conducting a long interview and created an opportunity for study sites to compile perspectives from multiple team members, thus improving the richness of information provided. Second, the reported barriers and facilitators were self-reported and not directly observed and are therefore based on the perceptions of the study site research teams. Similarly, as the data collection was primarily retrospective, it may be subject to recall bias. We attempted to mitigate this by conducting semistructured interviews during the implementation process. Finally, this analysis was performed prior to the completion of implementation at all sites and analysis of the primary intervention effectiveness outcomes. Therefore, it was not possible to link perceived implementation constructs to intervention outcome measures, and additional implementation construct influences may have been missed.

Conclusions

Both between and within health care systems, significant variability exists in workflows for patient intake and triage. Even in a relatively straightforward clinical workflow, seemingly nuanced workflow and culture differences appreciably impacted successful intervention adoption. Barriers to intervention adoption existed within multiple constructs and domains. When implementing a system-wide clinical care intervention, stakeholders should consider the variability in workflow policy and culture at the health system, practice, and individual levels, as well as create accommodations for changing care patterns.

Acknowledgments

This work was funded by NIAID 5R01AI108680 (PI Mann). Generative AI was not used in the writing of this manuscript.

Data Availability

The data sets used and analyzed during this study contain personally identifiable information and are therefore not made publicly available. Data are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Authors' Contributions

ERS wrote the original draft and contributed to conceptualization, methodology, data collection, and analysis; LX contributed to writing the original draft, methodology, data collection, and analysis; JK contributed to writing the original draft, methodology, data collection, and analysis; ST contributed to data collection and project administration; NH contributed to data collection and writing editing; DF contributed to data collection and writing editing; EJK contributed to data collection and writing editing; RH contributed to data collection and writing editing; KLD-D contributed to data collection and writing editing; PDS contributed to data collection and writing editing; WH contributed to data collection and writing editing; PG-G contributed to data collection and writing editing; DAF contributed to the conceptualization, funding acquisition, and writing editing; DMM contributed to the conceptualization, funding acquisition, and writing editing. All authors reviewed and approved the final manuscript draft.

Conflicts of Interest

None declared.

Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research domain barrier analysis results.

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Abbreviations

Edited by A Mavragani; submitted 30.11.23; peer-reviewed by R Hillard; comments to author 21.02.24; revised version received 13.03.24; accepted 15.03.24; published 23.05.24.

©Elizabeth R Stevens, Lynn Xu, JaeEun Kwon, Sumaiya Tasneem, Natalie Henning, Dawn Feldthouse, Eun Ji Kim, Rachel Hess, Katherine L Dauber-Decker, Paul D Smith, Wendy Halm, Pranisha Gautam-Goyal, David A Feldstein, Devin M Mann. Originally published in JMIR Formative Research (https://formative.jmir.org), 23.05.2024.

This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work, first published in JMIR Formative Research, is properly cited. The complete bibliographic information, a link to the original publication on https://formative.jmir.org, as well as this copyright and license information must be included.

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CRO Guide   >  Chapter 3.1

Qualitative Research: Definition, Methodology, Limitation & Examples

Qualitative research is a method focused on understanding human behavior and experiences through non-numerical data. Examples of qualitative research include:

• One-on-one interviews,
• Focus groups, Ethnographic research,
• Case studies,
• Record keeping,
• Qualitative observations

In this article, we’ll provide tips and tricks on how to use qualitative research to better understand your audience through real world examples and improve your ROI. We’ll also learn the difference between qualitative and quantitative data.

Table of Contents

Marketers often seek to understand their customers deeply. Qualitative research methods such as face-to-face interviews, focus groups, and qualitative observations can provide valuable insights into your products, your market, and your customers’ opinions and motivations. Understanding these nuances can significantly enhance marketing strategies and overall customer satisfaction.

What is Qualitative Research

Qualitative research is a market research method that focuses on obtaining data through open-ended and conversational communication. This method focuses on the “why” rather than the “what” people think about you. Thus, qualitative research seeks to uncover the underlying motivations, attitudes, and beliefs that drive people’s actions. 

Let’s say you have an online shop catering to a general audience. You do a demographic analysis and you find out that most of your customers are male. Naturally, you will want to find out why women are not buying from you. And that’s what qualitative research will help you find out.

In the case of your online shop, qualitative research would involve reaching out to female non-customers through methods such as in-depth interviews or focus groups. These interactions provide a platform for women to express their thoughts, feelings, and concerns regarding your products or brand. Through qualitative analysis, you can uncover valuable insights into factors such as product preferences, user experience, brand perception, and barriers to purchase.

Types of Qualitative Research Methods

Qualitative research methods are designed in a manner that helps reveal the behavior and perception of a target audience regarding a particular topic.

The most frequently used qualitative analysis methods are one-on-one interviews, focus groups, ethnographic research, case study research, record keeping, and qualitative observation.

1. One-on-one interviews

Conducting one-on-one interviews is one of the most common qualitative research methods. One of the advantages of this method is that it provides a great opportunity to gather precise data about what people think and their motivations.

Spending time talking to customers not only helps marketers understand who their clients are, but also helps with customer care: clients love hearing from brands. This strengthens the relationship between a brand and its clients and paves the way for customer testimonials.

• A company might conduct interviews to understand why a product failed to meet sales expectations.
• A researcher might use interviews to gather personal stories about experiences with healthcare.

These interviews can be performed face-to-face or on the phone and usually last between half an hour to over two hours. 

When a one-on-one interview is conducted face-to-face, it also gives the marketer the opportunity to read the body language of the respondent and match the responses.

2. Focus groups

Focus groups gather a small number of people to discuss and provide feedback on a particular subject. The ideal size of a focus group is usually between five and eight participants. The size of focus groups should reflect the participants’ familiarity with the topic. For less important topics or when participants have little experience, a group of 10 can be effective. For more critical topics or when participants are more knowledgeable, a smaller group of five to six is preferable for deeper discussions.

The main goal of a focus group is to find answers to the “why”, “what”, and “how” questions. This method is highly effective in exploring people’s feelings and ideas in a social setting, where group dynamics can bring out insights that might not emerge in one-on-one situations.

• A focus group could be used to test reactions to a new product concept.
• Marketers might use focus groups to see how different demographic groups react to an advertising campaign.

One advantage that focus groups have is that the marketer doesn’t necessarily have to interact with the group in person. Nowadays focus groups can be sent as online qualitative surveys on various devices.

Focus groups are an expensive option compared to the other qualitative research methods, which is why they are typically used to explain complex processes.

3. Ethnographic research

Ethnographic research is the most in-depth observational method that studies individuals in their naturally occurring environment.

This method aims at understanding the cultures, challenges, motivations, and settings that occur.

• A study of workplace culture within a tech startup.
• Observational research in a remote village to understand local traditions.

Ethnographic research requires the marketer to adapt to the target audiences’ environments (a different organization, a different city, or even a remote location), which is why geographical constraints can be an issue while collecting data.

This type of research can last from a few days to a few years. It’s challenging and time-consuming and solely depends on the expertise of the marketer to be able to analyze, observe, and infer the data.

4. Case study research

The case study method has grown into a valuable qualitative research method. This type of research method is usually used in education or social sciences. It involves a comprehensive examination of a single instance or event, providing detailed insights into complex issues in real-life contexts.  

• Analyzing a single school’s innovative teaching method.
• A detailed study of a patient’s medical treatment over several years.

Case study research may seem difficult to operate, but it’s actually one of the simplest ways of conducting research as it involves a deep dive and thorough understanding of the data collection methods and inferring the data.

5. Record keeping

Record keeping is similar to going to the library: you go over books or any other reference material to collect relevant data. This method uses already existing reliable documents and similar sources of information as a data source.

• Historical research using old newspapers and letters.
• A study on policy changes over the years by examining government records.

This method is useful for constructing a historical context around a research topic or verifying other findings with documented evidence.

6. Qualitative observation

Qualitative observation is a method that uses subjective methodologies to gather systematic information or data. This method deals with the five major sensory organs and their functioning, sight, smell, touch, taste, and hearing.

• Sight : Observing the way customers visually interact with product displays in a store to understand their browsing behaviors and preferences.
• Smell : Noting reactions of consumers to different scents in a fragrance shop to study the impact of olfactory elements on product preference.
• Touch : Watching how individuals interact with different materials in a clothing store to assess the importance of texture in fabric selection.
• Taste : Evaluating reactions of participants in a taste test to identify flavor profiles that appeal to different demographic groups.
• Hearing : Documenting responses to changes in background music within a retail environment to determine its effect on shopping behavior and mood.

Below we are also providing real-life examples of qualitative research that demonstrate practical applications across various contexts:

Qualitative Research Real World Examples

Let’s explore some examples of how qualitative research can be applied in different contexts.

1. Online grocery shop with a predominantly male audience

Method used: one-on-one interviews.

Let’s go back to one of the previous examples. You have an online grocery shop. By nature, it addresses a general audience, but after you do a demographic analysis you find out that most of your customers are male.

One good method to determine why women are not buying from you is to hold one-on-one interviews with potential customers in the category.

Interviewing a sample of potential female customers should reveal why they don’t find your store appealing. The reasons could range from not stocking enough products for women to perhaps the store’s emphasis on heavy-duty tools and automotive products, for example. These insights can guide adjustments in inventory and marketing strategies.

2. Software company launching a new product

Method used: focus groups.

Focus groups are great for establishing product-market fit.

Let’s assume you are a software company that wants to launch a new product and you hold a focus group with 12 people. Although getting their feedback regarding users’ experience with the product is a good thing, this sample is too small to define how the entire market will react to your product.

So what you can do instead is holding multiple focus groups in 20 different geographic regions. Each region should be hosting a group of 12 for each market segment; you can even segment your audience based on age. This would be a better way to establish credibility in the feedback you receive.

3. Alan Pushkin’s “God’s Choice: The Total World of a Fundamentalist Christian School”

Method used: ethnographic research.

Moving from a fictional example to a real-life one, let’s analyze Alan Peshkin’s 1986 book “God’s Choice: The Total World of a Fundamentalist Christian School”.

Peshkin studied the culture of Bethany Baptist Academy by interviewing the students, parents, teachers, and members of the community alike, and spending eighteen months observing them to provide a comprehensive and in-depth analysis of Christian schooling as an alternative to public education.

The study highlights the school’s unified purpose, rigorous academic environment, and strong community support while also pointing out its lack of cultural diversity and openness to differing viewpoints. These insights are crucial for understanding how such educational settings operate and what they offer to students.

Even after discovering all this, Peshkin still presented the school in a positive light and stated that public schools have much to learn from such schools.

Peshkin’s in-depth research represents a qualitative study that uses observations and unstructured interviews, without any assumptions or hypotheses. He utilizes descriptive or non-quantifiable data on Bethany Baptist Academy specifically, without attempting to generalize the findings to other Christian schools.

4. Understanding buyers’ trends

Method used: record keeping.

Another way marketers can use quality research is to understand buyers’ trends. To do this, marketers need to look at historical data for both their company and their industry and identify where buyers are purchasing items in higher volumes.

For example, electronics distributors know that the holiday season is a peak market for sales while life insurance agents find that spring and summer wedding months are good seasons for targeting new clients.

5. Determining products/services missing from the market

Conducting your own research isn’t always necessary. If there are significant breakthroughs in your industry, you can use industry data and adapt it to your marketing needs.

The influx of hacking and hijacking of cloud-based information has made Internet security a topic of many industry reports lately. A software company could use these reports to better understand the problems its clients are facing.

As a result, the company can provide solutions prospects already know they need.

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Qualitative Research Approaches

Once the marketer has decided that their research questions will provide data that is qualitative in nature, the next step is to choose the appropriate qualitative approach.

The approach chosen will take into account the purpose of the research, the role of the researcher, the data collected, the method of data analysis , and how the results will be presented. The most common approaches include:

• Narrative : This method focuses on individual life stories to understand personal experiences and journeys. It examines how people structure their stories and the themes within them to explore human existence. For example, a narrative study might look at cancer survivors to understand their resilience and coping strategies.
• Phenomenology : attempts to understand or explain life experiences or phenomena; It aims to reveal the depth of human consciousness and perception, such as by studying the daily lives of those with chronic illnesses.
• Grounded theory : investigates the process, action, or interaction with the goal of developing a theory “grounded” in observations and empirical data. 
• Ethnography : describes and interprets an ethnic, cultural, or social group;
• Case study : examines episodic events in a definable framework, develops in-depth analyses of single or multiple cases, and generally explains “how”. An example might be studying a community health program to evaluate its success and impact.

How to Analyze Qualitative Data

Analyzing qualitative data involves interpreting non-numerical data to uncover patterns, themes, and deeper insights. This process is typically more subjective and requires a systematic approach to ensure reliability and validity. 

1. Data Collection

Ensure that your data collection methods (e.g., interviews, focus groups, observations) are well-documented and comprehensive. This step is crucial because the quality and depth of the data collected will significantly influence the analysis.

2. Data Preparation

Once collected, the data needs to be organized. Transcribe audio and video recordings, and gather all notes and documents. Ensure that all data is anonymized to protect participant confidentiality where necessary.

3. Familiarization

Immerse yourself in the data by reading through the materials multiple times. This helps you get a general sense of the information and begin identifying patterns or recurring themes.

Develop a coding system to tag data with labels that summarize and account for each piece of information. Codes can be words, phrases, or acronyms that represent how these segments relate to your research questions.

• Descriptive Coding : Summarize the primary topic of the data.
• In Vivo Coding : Use language and terms used by the participants themselves.
• Process Coding : Use gerunds (“-ing” words) to label the processes at play.
• Emotion Coding : Identify and record the emotions conveyed or experienced.

5. Thematic Development

Group codes into themes that represent larger patterns in the data. These themes should relate directly to the research questions and form a coherent narrative about the findings.

6. Interpreting the Data

Interpret the data by constructing a logical narrative. This involves piecing together the themes to explain larger insights about the data. Link the results back to your research objectives and existing literature to bolster your interpretations.

7. Validation

Check the reliability and validity of your findings by reviewing if the interpretations are supported by the data. This may involve revisiting the data multiple times or discussing the findings with colleagues or participants for validation.

8. Reporting

Finally, present the findings in a clear and organized manner. Use direct quotes and detailed descriptions to illustrate the themes and insights. The report should communicate the narrative you’ve built from your data, clearly linking your findings to your research questions.

Limitations of qualitative research

The disadvantages of qualitative research are quite unique. The techniques of the data collector and their own unique observations can alter the information in subtle ways. That being said, these are the qualitative research’s limitations:

1. It’s a time-consuming process

The main drawback of qualitative study is that the process is time-consuming. Another problem is that the interpretations are limited. Personal experience and knowledge influence observations and conclusions.

Thus, qualitative research might take several weeks or months. Also, since this process delves into personal interaction for data collection, discussions often tend to deviate from the main issue to be studied.

2. You can’t verify the results of qualitative research

Because qualitative research is open-ended, participants have more control over the content of the data collected. So the marketer is not able to verify the results objectively against the scenarios stated by the respondents. For example, in a focus group discussing a new product, participants might express their feelings about the design and functionality. However, these opinions are influenced by individual tastes and experiences, making it difficult to ascertain a universally applicable conclusion from these discussions.

3. It’s a labor-intensive approach

Qualitative research requires a labor-intensive analysis process such as categorization, recording, etc. Similarly, qualitative research requires well-experienced marketers to obtain the needed data from a group of respondents.

4. It’s difficult to investigate causality

Qualitative research requires thoughtful planning to ensure the obtained results are accurate. There is no way to analyze qualitative data mathematically. This type of research is based more on opinion and judgment rather than results. Because all qualitative studies are unique they are difficult to replicate.

5. Qualitative research is not statistically representative

Because qualitative research is a perspective-based method of research, the responses given are not measured.

Comparisons can be made and this can lead toward duplication, but for the most part, quantitative data is required for circumstances that need statistical representation and that is not part of the qualitative research process.

While doing a qualitative study, it’s important to cross-reference the data obtained with the quantitative data. By continuously surveying prospects and customers marketers can build a stronger database of useful information.

Quantitative vs. Qualitative Research

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Quantitative and qualitative research are two distinct methodologies used in the field of market research, each offering unique insights and approaches to understanding consumer behavior and preferences.

As we already defined, qualitative analysis seeks to explore the deeper meanings, perceptions, and motivations behind human behavior through non-numerical data. On the other hand, quantitative research focuses on collecting and analyzing numerical data to identify patterns, trends, and statistical relationships.  

Let’s explore their key differences: 

Nature of Data:

• Quantitative research : Involves numerical data that can be measured and analyzed statistically.
• Qualitative research : Focuses on non-numerical data, such as words, images, and observations, to capture subjective experiences and meanings.

Research Questions:

• Quantitative research : Typically addresses questions related to “how many,” “how much,” or “to what extent,” aiming to quantify relationships and patterns.
• Qualitative research: Explores questions related to “why” and “how,” aiming to understand the underlying motivations, beliefs, and perceptions of individuals.

Data Collection Methods:

• Quantitative research : Relies on structured surveys, experiments, or observations with predefined variables and measures.
• Qualitative research : Utilizes open-ended interviews, focus groups, participant observations, and textual analysis to gather rich, contextually nuanced data.

Analysis Techniques:

• Quantitative research: Involves statistical analysis to identify correlations, associations, or differences between variables.
• Qualitative research: Employs thematic analysis, coding, and interpretation to uncover patterns, themes, and insights within qualitative data.

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• Last modified: January 3, 2023
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Quantification supports amyloid-PET visual assessment of challenging cases: results from the AMYPAD-DPMS study

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Several studies have demonstrated the high agreement between routine clinical visual assessment and quantification, suggesting that quantification approaches could support the assessment of less experienced readers and/or in challenging cases. However, all studies to date have implemented a retrospective case collection and challenging cases were generally underrepresented.

Methods In this prospective study, we included all participants ( N =741) from the AMYPAD Diagnostic and Patient Management Study (DPMS) with available baseline amyloid-PET quantification. Quantification was done with the PET-only AmyPype pipeline, providing global Centiloid (CL) and regional z-scores. Visual assessment was performed by local readers for the entire cohort. From the total cohort, we selected a subsample of 85 cases 1) for which the amyloid status based on the local reader’s visual assessment and CL classification (cut-off=21) was discordant and/or 2) that were assessed with a low confidence (i.e. ≤3 on a 5-point scale) by the local reader. In addition, concordant negative ( N =8) and positive ( N =8) scans across tracers were selected. In this sample, ( N =101 cases: ([ 18 F]flutemetamol, N =48; [ 18 F]florbetaben, N =53) the visual assessments and corresponding confidence by 5 certified independent central readers were captured before and after disclosure of the quantification results.

Results For the AMYPAD-DPMS whole cohort, the overall assessment of local readers highly agreed with CL status (κ=0.85, 92.3% agreement). This was consistently observed within disease stages (SCD+: κ=0.82/92.3%; MCI: κ=0.80/89.8%; dementia: κ=0.87/94.6%). Across all central reader assessments in the challenging subsample, global CL and regional z-scores quantification were considered supportive of visual read in 70.3% and 49.3% of assessments, respectively. After disclosure of quantitative results, we observed an improvement in concordance between the 5 readers (κ baseline =0.65/65.3%; κ post-disclosure =0.74/73.3%) and a significant increase in reader confidence ( M baseline =4.0 vs. M post-disclosure =4.34, W =101056, p <0.001).

Conclusion In this prospective study enriched for challenging amyloid-PET cases, we demonstrate the value of quantification to support visual assessment. After disclosure, both inter-reader agreement and confidence showed a significant improvement. These results are important considering the arrival of anti-amyloid therapies, which utilized the Centiloid metric for trial inclusion and target-engagement. Moreover, quantification could support determining Aβ status with high certainty, an important factor for treatment initiation.

Competing Interest Statement

DISCLOSURES DA, IB, DVG, ILA, AP, and GBF report no relevant disclosures. LEC has received research support from GE Healthcare and Springer Healthcare (funded by Eli Lilly), both paid to institution. Dr. Collij s salary is supported by the MSCA postdoctoral fellowship research grant (#101108819) and the Alzheimer Association Research Fellowship (AARF) grant (#23AARF-1029663). GNB is funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) Project ID 431549029 - SFB 1451 and partially by DFG, DR 445/9 1. MB is employed by GE HealthCare. RW is employed by IXICO ltd. RG is employed by Life Molecular Imaging AWS is employed by Life Molecular Imaging ZW has received research support from GE Healthcare. PS is employed by EQT Life Sciences team. AN has received consulting fee from H Lundbeck AB, AVVA pharmaceuticals and honoraria for lecture from Hoffman La Roche. JDG has received research support from GE HealthCare, Roche Diagnostics and Hoffmann La Roche, speaker/consulting fees from Roche Diagnostics, Esteve, Philips Nederlands, Biogen and Life Molecular Imaging and serves in the Molecular Neuroimaging Advisory Board of Prothena Biosciences. AD has received research support from: Siemens Healthineers, Life Molecular Imaging, GE Healthcare, AVID Radiopharmaceuticals, Sofie, Eisai, Novartis/AAA, Ariceum Therapeutics, speaker Honorary/Advisory Boards: Siemens Healthineers, Sanofi, GE Healthcare, Biogen, Novo Nordisk, Invicro, Novartis/AAA, Bayer Vital, Lilly Stock: Siemens Healthineers, Lantheus Holding, Structured therapeutics, Lilly. Patents: Patent for 18F JK PSMA 7 (Patent No.: EP3765097A1; Date of patent: Jan. 20, 2021). SM received speaker honoraria from GE Healthcare, Eli Lilly and Life Molecular Imaging. CB is employed by GE HealthCare. VG is supported by the Swiss national science foundation (project n.320030_185028 and 320030_169876), the Aetas Foundation, the Schmidheiny Foundation, the Velux Foundation, the Fondation privee des HUG. She received support for research and speakers fees from Siemens Healthineers, GE HealthCare, Janssen, Novo Nordisk, all paid to institution. GF is employed by GE HealthCare. FB is supported by the NIHR biomedical research centre at UCLH. Steering committee or Data Safety Monitoring Board member for Biogen, Merck, Eisai and Prothena. Advisory board member for Combinostics, Scottish Brain Sciences. Consultant for Roche, Celltrion, Rewind Therapeutics, Merck, Bracco. Research agreements with ADDI, Merck, Biogen, GE Healthcare, Roche. Co-founder and shareholder of Queen Square Analytics LTD.

Funding Statement

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The project leading to this paper has also received funding from the Innovative Medicines Initiative 2 Joint Undertaking under grant agreement No 115952. This Joint Undertaking receives the support from the European Union s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme and EFPIA. This communication reflects the views of the authors and neither IMI nor the European Union and EFPIA are liable for any use that may be made of the information contained herein.

Author Declarations

I confirm all relevant ethical guidelines have been followed, and any necessary IRB and/or ethics committee approvals have been obtained.

The details of the IRB/oversight body that provided approval or exemption for the research described are given below:

All participants gave written informed consent. The trial was registered with EudraCT (2017-002527-21). The study was approved by the CCER (Commission Cantonale d Ethique de la Recherche) in Geneva Switzerland (#2017-01408).

I confirm that all necessary patient/participant consent has been obtained and the appropriate institutional forms have been archived, and that any patient/participant/sample identifiers included were not known to anyone (e.g., hospital staff, patients or participants themselves) outside the research group so cannot be used to identify individuals.

I understand that all clinical trials and any other prospective interventional studies must be registered with an ICMJE-approved registry, such as ClinicalTrials.gov. I confirm that any such study reported in the manuscript has been registered and the trial registration ID is provided (note: if posting a prospective study registered retrospectively, please provide a statement in the trial ID field explaining why the study was not registered in advance).

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