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The art of feature writing : from newspaper features and magazine articles to commentary

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Structure of a Magazine Article: The Full Guide

The complete guide to the structure of a magazine article offers an in-depth look at creating enthralling magazine pieces, keeping the structure of a magazine article in focus.

Table of Contents

This comprehensive resource emphasizes the importance of mastering key elements to captivate your audience and produce high-quality content that effectively showcases the structural aspects of a well-crafted magazine article.

Introduction to the Structure of a Magazine Article: Laying the Foundation

Instead of a standard article, a magazine editorial often presents the writer’s opinion on a particular subject or issue. Although the content may be subjective, the structure of a magazine editorial should still follow a coherent and logical pattern. This ensures readers can easily follow the author’s argument and find the piece enjoyable.

The structure of a magazine editorial generally consists of several key components, including an attention-grabbing headline, an engaging lead, a well-organized body, and a firm conclusion. Each element plays a vital role in capturing the reader’s interest and effectively conveying the message.

The headline should be succinct yet powerful enough to pique the reader’s curiosity. It sets the tone for the entire editorial and helps readers decide whether to engage with the content further. A captivating lead follows the headline, briefly introducing the topic and drawing the reader into the heart of the editorial.

The body of the magazine editorial is where the author develops their argument or opinion. It is essential to present the information logically and coherently, using clear headings and subheadings to guide the reader through the narrative. Including compelling evidence, anecdotes, or quotes can also strengthen the writer’s argument and keep the reader interested.

Finally, a firm conclusion should summarize the editorial, summarizing the key points and providing a clear call to action or a thought-provoking statement. This creates a lasting impact on the reader and promotes further engagement with the topic.

Understanding the structure of a magazine editorial is vital for creating impactful and engaging content. By mastering the art of crafting powerful headlines, captivating leads, coherent body text, and firm conclusions, you can establish the groundwork for a successful magazine article that resonates with your audience and leaves a lasting impression.

Structure of a Magazine Article: Crafting Engaging Headlines and Subheadings

The power of an engaging headline and well-crafted subheadings cannot be understated when it comes to the success of a magazine article. These elements are instrumental in capturing the reader’s attention and guiding them through the content, playing a significant role in the overall magazine structure.

An enticing headline is the first point of contact between the reader and the article, and it can either facilitate or hinder their decision to delve further into the content. It should be short, impactful, and thought-provoking, effectively conveying the article’s essence in just a few words. Writing a captivating headline involves striking a balance between being informative and intriguing while remaining true to the subject.

Subheadings, on the other hand, break up the body of the article into digestible sections, making it easier for the reader to navigate through the content. They provide a clear roadmap of the article’s main points, helping the reader understand the flow of ideas and the magazine structure. Compelling subheadings should be concise, informative, and engaging, enticing the reader to continue reading and ensuring they can quickly grasp the key points being discussed.

In addition to their practical purposes, headlines and subheadings also contribute to the overall visual appeal of a magazine article. They help create a sense of hierarchy and organization, essential for maintaining the reader’s interest and making the content more accessible. By using varying font sizes, styles, and formatting techniques, designers can further emphasize the importance of these elements and enhance the article’s overall aesthetic.

Engaging headlines and subheadings are crucial to the magazine structure, serving functional and aesthetic purposes. By mastering the art of crafting these essential elements, writers and designers can ensure their magazine articles capture the reader’s attention, provide a straightforward and accessible narrative, and, ultimately, leave a lasting impression.

Structure of a Magazine Article: How to Hook Your Readers from the Start

In magazine writing, the lead is crucial in captivating readers from the outset. Serving as the opening paragraph, it establishes the foundation for the remainder of the content and is a vital component in the structure of articles. A well-crafted lead piques the reader’s interest and encourages them to continue reading the entire piece.

The primary objective of a leader is to provide a glimpse into the central theme or argument of the article while leaving the reader wanting more. It should be engaging, concise, and informative, offering just enough information to entice the reader without giving away all the details. Striking the right balance between mystery and clarity is essential in creating a compelling lead that successfully hooks readers.

The structure of articles often varies depending on the subject matter and the target audience. Nevertheless, there are several tried-and-true approaches to crafting compelling leads. One such approach is the anecdotal lead, which opens with a captivating story or personal experience that sets the tone for the article. Another popular option is the question lead, which poses a thought-provoking inquiry that piques the reader’s curiosity and encourages them to read on in search of an answer.

Regardless of the chosen approach, keeping the lead concise and relevant to the article’s central theme is essential. Additionally, the lead should transition seamlessly into the body of the article, maintaining a logical flow that maintains the reader’s interest and involvement in the content.

Structure of a Magazine Article: Building a Compelling Narrative

In magazine writing, the body text forms the backbone of the article, providing the substance and depth required to convey the author’s message or argument effectively. Drawing inspiration from magazine editorial examples can help writers build a compelling narrative that keeps readers engaged and maintains their interest throughout the article.

One of the essential aspects of crafting a captivating body text is maintaining a clear and coherent structure. This can be achieved by using subheadings to break the content into smaller, digestible sections, making it easier for readers to follow the narrative and absorb the information presented. Magazine editorial examples often demonstrate how effective subheadings can guide the reader through the article, ensuring they can easily comprehend the key points and arguments.

Another critical aspect of constructing an engaging body text is to vary the sentence structure and maintain a natural, conversational tone. This helps the content feel more approachable and enjoyable to read, as opposed to overly formal or rigid. Examining magazine editorial examples can provide valuable insights into how experienced writers maintain a consistent voice and style throughout their articles, fostering a connection with the reader and making the content more relatable.

Furthermore, using compelling evidence, anecdotes, quotes, or statistics can significantly enhance the credibility and impact of the body text. These elements not only lend weight to the author’s arguments but also help to keep the reader’s interest piqued, encouraging them to continue reading and engage with the content more deeply.

Structure of a Magazine Article: Visual Elements and Their Role

In magazine publishing, visual elements play a vital role in enhancing the reader’s experience and contributing to the overall structure of an article. As the adage states, “A picture is worth a thousand words,” and this concept holds true when considering the structure of an article. Images, graphics, and other visual components can bring the written content to life, adding depth, context, and appeal to the magazine piece.

Functions of Visual Elements

One of the primary functions of visual elements in a magazine article is to break up large blocks of text, making the content more digestible and visually appealing. By incorporating relevant images or graphics throughout the article, writers and designers can create a more engaging and enjoyable reading experience for the audience. This not only makes the content more accessible but also helps to maintain the reader’s interest and attention.

Another essential function of visual elements is to provide additional context or information that may be difficult to convey through text alone. For example, data visualizations, such as charts or infographics , can effectively present complex information or statistics in a more easily understandable format. This enhances the reader’s comprehension of the subject matter and strengthens the overall impact of the article.

Furthermore, visual elements can also contribute to a magazine article’s overall aesthetic and design. By strategically using color, typography, and other design elements, designers can create a cohesive visual language that complements the written content and reflects the article’s theme or mood. This adds to the reader’s enjoyment and reinforces the magazine’s brand identity and style.

Understanding the structure of an article is complete by considering the role of visual elements. By incorporating relevant images, graphics, and design elements, writers and designers can create a more engaging and visually appealing magazine piece that captures the reader’s attention and enhances their overall experience.

Structure of a Magazine Article: Crafting a Memorable Ending

A well-crafted conclusion is an essential component of any compelling magazine article. It reinforces the main points and ideas, leaving the reader with a lasting impression and closure. Understanding how to structure an article involves organizing the content logically and ensuring that the conclusion ties everything together, providing a strong and memorable finish.

When crafting a memorable ending, it is crucial to reiterate the key points discussed throughout the article, summarizing the central argument or message. However, this should be done concisely, avoiding repetition or regurgitation of information. Instead, the conclusion should offer a fresh perspective or insight that adds depth to the article and encourages readers to further reflect on the subject.

Another effective technique when considering how to structure an article is to end with a call to action, a thought-provoking question, or a prediction. This can inspire the reader to engage with the topic beyond the article, fostering a sense of curiosity and leaving them with something to ponder. The conclusion can impact the reader by provoking an emotional response or encouraging further exploration.

In addition, the tone of the conclusion should be consistent with the rest of the article, maintaining a sense of cohesion and harmony. Whether the article is informative, persuasive, or narrative-driven, the conclusion should reflect the same style and voice, ensuring a smooth and satisfying reading experience.

Mastering how to structure an article involves organizing the content effectively and crafting a powerful and memorable conclusion. By summarizing the key points, offering fresh insights, and provoking thought or action, writers can ensure that their magazine articles resonate with readers and leave a lasting impact. By incorporating these techniques, you can create a compelling, engaging magazine article that stands out.

What are the critical components of a magazine article structure?

The critical components of a magazine article structure include an attention-grabbing headline, an engaging lead, a well-organized body, and a firm conclusion.

How do I write a captivating headline for my magazine article?

A captivating headline should be short, impactful, and thought-provoking, conveying the article’s essence in just a few words. Strive to balance being informative and intriguing while remaining true to the subject.

What role do subheadings play in the structure of a magazine article?

Subheadings break up the body of the article into digestible sections, making it easier for the reader to navigate through the content. They provide a clear roadmap of the article’s main points, helping the reader understand the flow of ideas and the magazine structure.

How can I write an engaging lead for my magazine article?

To write an engaging lead, provide a glimpse into the central theme or argument of the article while leaving the reader wanting more. Keep it concise and relevant to the article’s theme, striking the right balance between mystery and clarity.

What are some tips for crafting a compelling body text?

Craft a compelling body text, maintain a clear and coherent structure, vary sentence structure, and maintain a natural, conversational tone. Use subheadings, compelling evidence, anecdotes, quotes, or statistics to enhance the credibility and impact of the content.

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FEATURE WRITING IN JOURNALISM

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Feature journalism has developed from being a marginal and subordinate supplement to (hard) news in newspapers, to becoming a significant part of journalism on all platforms. It emerged as a key force driving the popularisation and tabloidisation of the press. Feature journalism is here defined as a family of genres that share a common exigence, understood as a publicly recognized need to be entertained and connected with other people on a mainly emotional level by accounts of personal experiences that are related to contemporary events of perceived public interest. This exigence is articulated through three characteristics that has dominate feature journalism from the very beginning: it is intimate, in the sense that it portrays people and milieus in close detail, and in the sense that it allows the journalist to be subjective and therefore intimate with his/her audience; it is literary in the sense that it is closely connected with the art of writing, narrativity, storytelling and worlds of fiction; and it is adventurous, in the sense that it takes the audiences on journeys to meet people and places that are interesting. Traditional and well-established genres of feature journalism include the human-interest story, the feature reportage and the profile, which all promote subjectivity and emotions as key ingredients in feature journalism in contrast to the norm of objectivity found in professional news journalism . Feature journalism therefore establishes a conflict of norms which has existed throughout the history of journalism. Feature journalism has become an increasingly popular part of journalism also in digital media. Online newspapers have experimented with digital formats for feature journalism since the late 1990s, first with technology-driven multimedia feature journalism, later with story-driven long-form feature journalism. Since 2010, podcasts and online templets for long-form journalism has made digital feature journalism popular.

bhavneet bhatti

Nguyen thi Kim Luyen

Headlines are often among the most vital parts of every newspaper and magazines as they play a key role in attracting readers’ attention, especially headlines of news stories and feature stories which are the two kinds of headlines focusing on information and discussion respectively. This paper aims to investigate linguistic features of English feature-story headlines in terms of general characteristics, structure, word choice and stylistic devices. By using both qualitative and quantitative methods, the paper has found several features of English feature-story headlines, which have been discussed to provide a deeper insight into the prominent characteristics of English feature-story headlines. This in turns helps enhance readers’ comprehensive skills when they deal with this kind of headlines in English newspapers and magazines.

Journalism Practice

Although online journalism is still dominated by breaking news coverage, new genres are emerging that differentiate it more and more from old media journalism. This article explores the emergence of feature journalism in online newspapers. Through comparative qualitative text analysis of feature journalism in the US online newspaper palmbeachpost.com and the Norwegian online newspaper dagbladet.no, two widely different approaches to the production of feature journalism on the Web are uncovered and a critical perspective on the remediation of journalistic genres in online newspapers is elaborated. The analysis shows that both these approaches display a clash between discourses of traditional feature journalism and discourses of online communication. It further reveals that genre development in online journalism is a complex process marked by contradictions and inconsistencies and that online newsrooms are struggling to find solutions on how to differentiate online journalism from old media journalism.

Naomi Jones

Abstract Feature journalism has developed from being an insignificant supplement to news journalism to a family of genres that today dominates newspapers. The present article explores the growing importance of feature journalism and attempts to understand its social function, how it has changed and why it has become so important. Based on an analysis of influential textbooks on feature journalism, the paper argues that feature journalism has traditionally been dominated by a literary discourse, and discourses of intimacy and adventure – discourses that thus have become increasingly important for newspapers, thereby transforming the social function of news in general. Today, however, the genres of feature journalism are undergoing significant changes, reflecting the technological, social, economic and cultural changes that affect the media industry and the role of journalism at large. The present article is framed by a social constructivist view of genre, and it outlines possible scenarios for future transformations of feature journalism.

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Read the Full Transcript of President Joe Biden’s Interview With TIME

Read our full cover story on President Joe Biden here . You can also read the full fact check here and buy a copy of the issue here .

President Joe Biden sat down for an interview with TIME at the White House on May 28.

Over the course of the interview, Biden spoke at length about his foreign policy agenda, including his views on China, Taiwan, Ukraine and Israel, as well as concerns about his age as he runs for re-election.

Below is a lightly edited transcript of the interview conducted by TIME Washington Bureau Chief Massimo Calabresi and Editor-in-Chief Sam Jacobs. Click here to read our fact check .

Thank you for doing this, Mr. President. We appreciate your time. Busy moment. I'll dive right in. You're traveling next week to Normandy for the 80th anniversary of D-Day to commemorate a turning point in America's leadership with the free world. But the anniversary comes at a time when the US under your leadership has been unable to deter crises. First in Afghanistan, then Ukraine, Israel, and mounting tensions in the Far East. Is America still able to play the role of world power that it played in World War Two, and in the Cold War?

Biden: Yes, we're planning even more. We are, we are the world power. And what I inherited, as a consequence of the mistake that we made in Afghanistan is a—was not a loss in Afghanistan, excuse my cold. But I think that, look, I believe, I have a fundamentally different view than Mr. Trump has on a range of things. Number one: I really believe that we have a values-based as well as practical-based alliances around the world. And he, Trump, wanted to just abandon them. He says he's practical, one-on-one things he's doing.

Well, he didn't get much done. And so we end up in a situation where, when I came into, when I got sworn in, we were in a position where we didn't have—for example, there's a quote from Macron at the time saying that, in 2019, that Trump wants to eviscerate NATO. He thinks NATO is useless. And we have to rethink our entire relationship with the United States, they no longer lead the world. 

I have that exact quote here. And they no longer lead the world and the transatlantic alliance has to be reexamined. And the interesting piece of that is you now have his former adviser John Bolton saying, he’s certain that the first thing Trump would do if he got reelected is get out of NATO completely. 

And so I've always believed that there are two elements to American security, and the biggest element and, and our normative example, is our alliances, our alliances. We are—we have, compared to the rest of the world, we have put together the strongest alliance in the history of the world, number one. Number two, we're in a situation where we are able to move in a way that recognizes how much the world has changed and still lead the world. And it's our security. For example, the idea that if when Putin decided to go into Russia—I mean, he's gonna go from Russia into Ukraine—the reason why I cleared the intelligence so we can release the information we knew that he was going to attack, was to let the world know we were still in charge. We still know what's going on.  

This, by the way is, if you haven't read it, you should. [Pulls out copy of speech Putin delivered on Feb. 21, 2022] It's the address to the Russian people on the Donbass problem on February 21, when Moscow was going in. And it lays out why I believe Trump—what he never understood—which is that Russia, he wasn’t just going into Moscow, I mean from Russia into Ukraine, for purposes of keeping them from having weapons, etc. He believes it is an essential part of Russia, from the beginning. 

He has just laid out, straight out. He said, he said, ‘I would like to emphasize again, Ukraine is not a neighboring country of us. It is an inalienable part of our own history, culture and spiritual space…Since time immemorial, the people living in the south-west of what has historically been Russia, Russian land have called themselves Russians and Orthodox Christians.’ And he goes on. He makes this whole speech about why it is part of reestablishing the Soviet Union. 

So understanding Putin's aims, the world, the West, the United States, and you find yourselves facing a difficult situation in Ukraine. The war is stalled. Every day, an average of 42 Ukrainian civilians are killed or wounded. Is Russia's proposal for, to end the war in Ukraine, the best that Ukraine can hope for at this point?

Biden: No, it's not. And by the way, I don't know why you skip over all that’s happened in the meantime. The Russian military has been decimated. You don’t write about that. It’s been freaking decimated . Number one.

Number two, NATO is considerably stronger than it was when I took office. I put it together. Not only did I reestablish the fact that it was the strongest alliance in the history of the world, I was able to expand it. While I was in one of the G7 meetings in Europe. when I got back I called on the President of Finland because when I had met earlier in the year with Putin, he said he wanted to see the Finlandization of NATO. I told him, he's gonna get not the Finlandization, the Natoization of Finland. And everybody thought, including you guys, thought I was crazy.

And guess what? I did it. I did it. And we're now the strongest nation. We have the strongest alliance in all of America, all of history. In the meantime, what we keep skipping over is what the consequence of the success of Russia in Ukraine would be. That's why I brought this along. You probably haven't read it. Most people haven't read it. He says this is part of reestablishing the Soviet Union. That's what this is all about. It wasn't just about taking part of—He wanted, he wanted to go back to the, to the days when there was NATO and there was that other outfit that Poland, everybody belonged to. So that’s what it was about. And in the meantime, what happened was, we were able to—and by the way, we spent a lot of money in Ukraine, but Europe has spent more money than the United States has, collectively . Europe has spent more money in taking on Russia.

So what is the endgame though in Ukraine and what does peace look like there? 

Biden: Peace looks like making sure Russia never, never, never, never occupies Ukraine. That's what peace looks like. And it doesn't mean NATO, they are part of NATO, it means we have a relationship with them like we do with other countries, where we supply weapons so they can defend themselves in the future. But it is not, if you notice, I was the one when—and you guys did report it at TIME—the one that I was saying that I am not prepared to support the NATOization of Ukraine.

It should not, it is not— I spent a month in Ukraine when I was a Senator and Vice President . There was significant corruption. There was a circumstance that was really difficult. And so, the point is, though, that if we ever let Ukraine go down, mark my words: you'll see Poland go, and you'll see all those nations along the actual border of Russia, from the Balkans and Belarus, all those, they're going to make their own accommodations.

I want to switch to Israel. But on that last point, is there a danger that NATO is on a slippery slope to war with Ukraine—with Russia, as things stand?

Biden:  No, we're on a slippery slope for war if we don't do something about Ukraine. It’s just not gonna…anyway…

So in Israel, obviously, a difficult time there. What steps are you prepared to take against Israel now that Netanyahu appears to have crossed your red line in Rafah, Mr. President?

Biden: I'm not going to speak to that now because you're going to report this before I make, before—I'm in the process of talking with the Israelis right now. So I'm not going to…

What does that mean? 

Biden: If I tell you, you’ll write it.  It’s not time for you to write it. 

What are the nature of your conversations with the Israelis right now? Have you spoken with Bibi? 

Biden: I have not spoken with Bibi since—I have not spoken with Bibi since the attack on Sunday. Was it Sunday?

Ben LaBolt: Yep. Sunday.

Biden: I have not. My team has. 

But has he crossed your red line?

Biden: I'm not going to respond to that because I'm about to make a…anyway.

More broadly, from the intelligence in the evidence you've seen, either currently or in the last months, have Israeli forces committed war crimes in Gaza?

Biden: The answer is it's uncertain and has been investigated by the Israelis themselves. The ICC is something that we don’t, we don't recognize. But one thing is certain, the people in Gaza, the Palestinians have suffered greatly, for lack of food, water, medicine, etc. And a lot of innocent people have been killed. But it is—and a lot of it has to do not just with Israelis, but what Hamas is doing in Israel as we speak. Hamas is intimidating that population. I went over right after that attack on the Israelis. What they did was—exceeded anything I've ever seen. And I've seen a lot. Tying mothers and daughters together with rope and pouring kerosene on it and burning them to death. That kind of thing, attempting to intimidate. And it is dastardly. 

On what Hamas has done, are the eight US hostages there in Gaza is still alive?

Biden: We believe there are those that are still alive. I met with all the families. But we don't have final proof on exactly who's alive and who's not alive. And by the way, I’ve been calling for—we should have a ceasefire, period. And to get those hostages. That’s the main reason why we push. Both the Israelis desperately want a ceasefire in order to get the hostages home. And it's a way to begin to break the momentum. And so that's why we're pushing hard for the—and we’re—Is our intelligence chief in? Where is he now? 

Kirby: He is back, sir. He was just over in Europe, in Brussels, over the weekend.

And whose fault is it that the—that deal, the ceasefire for hostages—has not been consummated? Is it Hamas or Israel or both?

Biden:  Hamas. Hamas could end this tomorrow. Hamas could say (unintelligible) and done period. And, but, and the last offer Israel made was very generous in terms of who they'd be willing to release, what they'd give in return, et cetera. Bibi is under enormous pressure on the hostages, on the hostages, and so he's prepared to do about anything to get the hostages back.

You mentioned the hunger in Gaza. Some have alleged that Israel is intentionally using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare. Do you think that's the case?

Biden: No, I don't think that. I think they've engaged in activity that is inappropriate. That is…When I went over immediately after the—Hamas’ brutal attack, I said then, and it became public, I said, don't make the same mistake we did going after bin Laden. Don't try—The idea of occupying Afghanistan, the idea that you had nuclear arsenals in Iran that were being, I mean, in Iraq, that were being generated, simply not true. And it led to endless wars. They were not true. Don't make the mistakes we made. And they're making that mistake, I think. Excuse my voice, I apologize.

Not at all. Some in Israel have suggested that Netanyahu is prolonging the war for his own political self-preservation. Do you believe that?

Biden: I'm not going to comment on that. There is every reason for people to draw that conclusion. And I would cite that as—before the war began, the blowback he was getting from the Israeli military for wanting to change the constitu—change the court. And so it's an internal domestic debate that seems to have no consequence. And whether he would change his position or not, it's hard to say, but it has not been helpful.

Trump has said that Netanyahu is rightfully criticized for Oct. 7. Do you believe that he bears some responsibility for the fact that Oct. 7th happened?  

Biden: I don't know how any one person has that responsibility. He was the leader of the country, so therefore, it happened. But he wasn't the only one that didn't pick it up. He wasn’t the only one that didn’t pick it up. That's why there's got to be—my major disagreement with Netanyahu is, what happens after, what happens after Gaza’s over? What, what does it go back to? Do Israeli forces go back in? I've been talking to the Egyptians and been talking to the Saudis. I’ve been talking to the Jordanians, I've been talking to the Emiratis. The answer is, if that's the case, it can't work. 

There needs to be a two-state solution, a transition to a two-state solution. And that's my biggest disagreement with Bibi Netanyahu.  

Do you have agreement from all the other parties to this multi-part package of deals that would deliver that in Israel, in the region, other than Bibi?  Is Bibi the only thing standing in the way of that?

Biden: I gotta be careful, because you're gonna print this before the article comes out and I'm in the process of negotiating a lot of that. The answer is that I think there is a clear path for a transition where the Arab states would provide security and reconstruction in Gaza in return for a longer-term commitment to a transition to a two-state solution. And that extends all the way from Saudi Arabia, who I continue to talk to—my team—to the Jordanians that are trying to work bringing in goods and certain goods now, food, medicine, etc. And the Egyptians who I've been talking with frequently about what happens in terms of access for more material to get into Gaza to prevent this catastrophe from continuing.

Mr. President, you mentioned at the beginning value-based alliances, and you mentioned the Saudis. Do you believe we share the same values? 

Biden: Remember, I said what the other one was: there's values-based and there's practical-based. And it's overwhelmingly in our interest. For example, you may recall a resolution I introduced at the G20 that no one thought would go anywhere and it passed by providing for a railroad and oil line—oil, excuse me, I misspoke. Railroad lines and transportation, all the way from Riyadh—to Saudi Arabia, to Jordan, to Israel, all through Europe and continuing. And the reason for that is that the economy can be used to bring people together as well. The fact of the matter is the world's changing. We are at a significant inflection point.

The Saudis are aware that oil is not going to be their ticket to the future 10 years from now. They know it. They know what's happening. The same way with the rest of these countries. So if you have mutual economic interests in mind, you’re less likely to have conflict. So that's what—and it passed, by the way, that resolution. 

We have a lot of the world to cover. Elsewhere in the region in Iran, but also in the Far East, there are troubling national security developments, long-standing problems that appear to be getting worse, Iran is expanding its stockpile of enriched, highly enriched uranium. North Korea has reportedly restarted its nuclear program and is testing missiles capable of reaching the mainland US, some even as far as New York potentially. Is it effectively American policy now to live with a nuclear or near-nuclear Iran and North Korea?

Biden: No, it's not. And by the way, that's been going on for some time. You could have sat here five years ago and said the same thing with regard to North Korea. So…

But that situation is getting more threatening, don't you think, Mr. President? 

Biden: No, I don't. I think it's equally as threatening as it was before. I don't think it's more threatening and North Korea has something else that it has to deal with. I did something that you would have been too cynical to think I could possibly do. I put together an Indo-Pacific strategy that is incredibly broad. 

Did you ever think if I told you that Japan would be devoting 3% of its GDP to defense and make a rapprochement at Camp David with South Korea as an overwhelming threat that exists to North Korea as well as to Europe? You know, I've been able to put 50 nations together to help in Ukraine, led by us but also engaged with, with Japan's leadership.

So there is—look as long as there are nuclear weapons available, it's always going to be a problem. It's gonna—the question is how do we stop it? That's why I thought Trump was wrong in not wanting to work early on five years ago, and three years ago, when he left office—with trying to control, work out an arrangement to control access to North Korea, to nuclear weapons and/or nuclear weapons that are available to any other area. And that's why I was able to put together four or five major initiatives in Europe. I put together a quad that never existed before . I put together—I mean personally put together—worked on it, I put together AUKUS with Great Britain and Australia. I put together an agreement between Japan and the Philippines dealing with making sure that we know the international rules of the road pertaining in terms of air and water and territorial integrity.

And so the point is we've invested billions of dollars. We are much stronger in the Pacific than we ever were before. China, by the way, China is very concerned about it. They asked me—I’ve spent more time with Xi Jinping than any leader in the world, over 90 hours alone with him since I've been Vice President. And we have a very candid relationship. 

You know, I don't have any (unintelligible) He wanted to know why I was doing all these things. I said the simple reason I’m doing those things: to make sure that you don’t, that you aren’t able to change the status quo any. 

So getting to exactly that point. Pretty much everybody agrees that managing China's rise is the most important foreign policy and national security issue for America and Americans in the coming century. CIA director Bill Burns says the President Xi Jinping of China has ordered the Chinese military to be ready by 2027 to conduct a successful invasion of Taiwan. You said on multiple occasions that you would use US forces to defend Taiwan. What does that mean? Is it boots on the ground? What, what shape would that take? 

Biden: It would depend on the circumstances. You know, by the way, I've made clear to Xi Jinping that we agree with—we signed on to previous presidents going way back—to the policy of, that, it is we are not seeking independence for Taiwan nor will we, in fact, not defend Taiwan if they if, if China unilaterally tries to change the status. And so we're continuing to supply capacity. And, and we've been in consultation with our allies in the region.

So if I might, not ruling out the possibility of deploying US troops to Taiwan in the case of an invasion?

Biden: Not ruling out using US military force. There’s a distinction between deploying on the ground, air power and naval power, etc. 

So you're maybe striking from bases in Philippines or Japan, is that… 

Biden: I'm not going to get into that. You would then criticize me with good reason if I were to tell you.

The competition in the Pacific Rim is broader than hard power and you've expanded Donald Trump's trade war with China. Mr. President, which you once criticized. 

Biden: No, I haven’t. Go ahead. 

Most economists say tariffs raise prices. 

Biden: They do. 

Cumulative inflation means that prices are up 18%, at least since you took office and wage increases have not kept pace.

Biden: Since who took office? Since I took office? 

Yeah, cumulative inflation means prices are up nearly 20% since you took office and wage increases have not kept pace. 

Biden: Wage increases have exceeded what the cost of inflation , which you're talking about as the prices that were pre-COVID prices. Pre-COVID prices are not the same as whether or not they—you have American, corporate America ripping off the public now. You have everything from shrinkflation to what's going on in terms of the way in which they're artificially moving significantly to increase their, their, their, their, their profits. That's not the same as inflation. That's price gouging.

But Mr. President, won’t your newly announced tariffs raise the prices on American consumers?

Biden: No, because here's the deal. There's a difference. I made it clear to Putin from the very beginning that—I'm not, we're not engaging in…For example, Trump wants a 10% tariff on everything. That will raise the price of everything in America. [Editor’s note: Biden appeared to mean Xi here, not Putin.]  

What I'm talking about, I said, we're gonna play by the same rules. You tell me if I want to, if an American corporation wants to invest in China, it has to give 50% ownership, 51% ownership to a Chinese operator. And that goes on from there. And I said, so you're gonna do that to us? (unintelligible) We’re going to do the same thing if you want to invest here. We're not putting a tariff on. We’re just saying, if you want to do that, well, we're gonna do that. And you cannot change the market in a way where you flood the market by—ignore all Chinese government subsidies to undercut their ability as to deal with electric vehicles. And we're not going to put up with it. That’s the thing we talked about. And that's what we're talking about. We're not talking about tariffs across the board.

Okay, I'm gonna do a couple of rapid fire here. Another of your first acts as President under the banner of value-based leadership was to lift various punitive Trump-era immigration measures, Mr. President, that you and others said were inhumane. In retrospect, do you think those humanitarian moves helped drive record illegal border crossing? 

Biden:  No.

Were you wrong to lift any of those measures?

Biden: If I was wrong, it’s because I took too long, 

You've put some back in place. The Green Card issue, it's been reported that you're looking at reinstating Remain in Mexico. Are you looking at reinstating… 

Biden: No 

The last two years of Presidents, two-term President's tenure are usually focused on foreign affairs. You are 81 years old, and would be 86 by the time you left office. Large majorities of Americans, including in the Democratic Party, tell pollsters they think you are too old to lead. Could you really do this job as an 85-year old man?

Biden: I can do it better than anybody you know.  You’re looking at me, I can take you too.

Did you consider not running again because of your age?

Biden: No, I didn't.

And what do you say to Americans who are worried about it?

Biden: Watch me. Look, name me a president that’s gotten as much done as I've gotten done in my first three and a half years. When all of you wrote in Time magazine I couldn't get any of it done. When you told me there's no pay, no way, no way he can get a trillion-plus dollar bill done in terms of, to deal with infrastructure, where there's no way he gets $368 billion for dealing with the environment, where there's no way I could get the, the, the legislation passed on. 

I remember when I was heading to Taiwan, excuse me, to South Korea, to reclaim the chips industry that we had gotten $865 billion in private-sector investment, private-sector investments since I’ve been in. Name me a president who’s done that.

You pledged at the beginning to restore unity. Both Trump and top Democrats, including some of your aides, say the greatest threat to America's national security is its—and its ability to lead the free world comes not from abroad, but from within, from US politics. Do you agree with that?

Biden: I think it has a significantly diminishing impact on our ability to get things done internationally. Look, I tell you, I’ll just—let me give you one example. After I was elected, the first G7 I attended as President was in, in London—in England, along the beach down there. And I sat down with the seven leaders that were there. And I was sitting where you were, at this longer table.

I said, “Well, America's back.” Macron looked at me and he said, “For how long? For how long?” And then Scholz said to me, “What would you say Mr. President, if tomorrow you pick up The London Times and found out that thousands of people stormed the British Parliament, broke down the doors, killed two Bobbies to prevent the implement—the swearing in of a, of a prime minister, a choice of prime minister?”

And it made me realize just how fundamentally what he allowed to happen sitting in this room, looking at that television for three hours and didn't do a damn thing, said about America, and how much confidence people lost in America. There's not a, there’s not a…I’m gonna, say, be careful what I say…There's not a major international meeting I attend that before it’s over—and I've attended many, more than most presidents have in three and a half years—that a world leader doesn’t pull me aside as I’m leaving and say, “He can’t win. You can’t let him win.”

My democracy and their democracy is at stake. My democracy is at stake. And so name me a world leader other than Orban and Putin who think that Trump should be the world leader in the United States of America.

LaBolt: We’ll have to leave it there.

Let me ask you one on the…if you do win in November, Mr. President, with a mandate to continue your approach to foreign policy, what would your goals be in the second term?

Biden:  To finish what I started in the first term. To continue to make sure that the European continent—I'll tell you, I got a call from Kissinger about 10 days before he died. And he used the following comment. He said that not since Napoleon has Europe not looked over their shoulder at dread with what Europe—what Russia may do, until now. Until now, you can't let that change. 

The point is that we have an opportunity to have the decisions we make in the last couple of years, in the next four years, are going to determine the future of Europe for a long time to come. And so that's why we can not let NATO fail, we have to build that both politically and economically. And militarily, which we're investing significantly. In addition to that, I am desperately focused on making sure that we deal with the…what they are calling the south now. There are going to be a billion people in Africa in the next several years . We have to, we have to be a catalyst for change for the benefit, for the, for the better, we have to help them build back better, we have to help them.

We, on the climate side, have come along and we've done everything that is reasonably—and three other countries are the reason we’re in the problem we’re in. But what happens if all of a sudden, on the Amazon, they're starting to clear, vast swaths of land, cut down forests, etc. Back when Dick Lugar was alive, he and I started something back in the 90s, where we said—late 80’s, excuse me—where we said to, in the Amazon, they said, look, if you, we’ll make a deal with you Brazil. You don't cut your forest, we'll pay you not to do it. We’ll pay you not to do it, We have to prevent—And that's why we're working so hard to make sure Angola can be in a position that they have more solar capacity than almost any place in the world, to help that whole continent. 

That's why we want to build a railroad all the way—with others in Europe—all the way across the continent. So that you have, you have countries that have overproduction of agriculture and some that don’t have it, but no way to get a transfer. There's so much opportunity in Africa. And we have to work it. 

In addition to that, we have to deal with the Indo-Pacific. I've had 15 island presidents and leaders here twice now. They know if they—if we don't do something about global warming, a couple of them are going to be underwater. I mean, literally underwater, not to—So we're putting together coalitions of people that have a similar interest. And it makes it difficult. You know, you're talking, everybody talks about how, how strong China is and how powerful they are. Name me—Would you trade places with Xi Jinping and any other country? Not a joke, I'm being deadly earnest, a rhetorical question. But would you? You’ve got a population that’s considerably older than the vast majority of the youth in Europe, that is too old to work. And they are xenophobic. Where is it coming from? Where is it going to grow? You’ve got an economy that's on the brink there. The idea that their economy is booming? Give me a break.

I do have one last on China, which is are they meddling in the election? Have you seen evidence that they're meddling with AI or in other ways in the US election?

Biden: There, there, there, there is evidence that meddling is going on. I'm not going to get into, I don't think I should from an intelligence standpoint, there…

It sounds as if they are.

Biden: I think China would have an interest—let me put it this way—would have an interest in meddling. Everybody, all the bad guys are rooting for Trump, man. Not a joke. Think about it. Think about it. I mean, that line that Macron used, and it says that…I was making notes for this. It said, Macron, they know the experience of brain death unlike any time. Because lack of US leadership, we should reassess the reality of NATO in light of the lack of US leadership.

You know, we talked about what they're looking at in terms of Asia. One thing that I was able to convince the Japanese of is we're not walking away from Japan. Because Japan, collected with us, is a source of great economic strength and stability, physical stability for both of us. You're not going to have, I mean, the idea that China wants to screw with everybody is a different place.

By the way, the cost of China to build their military is multi-billions of dollars. And guess what they're, you know, they're, they’re…what they call it? Going around the world? The Belt and Road initiative? It's become a nuisance graveyard initiative. I'm serious. Think about it. I've been saying this for three years, and you guys write, “No, China’s on the right—China’s gonna break through.” Where are they, where are they breaking through? And look what's happening in Africa.

Well, I could I could go on with that question for a long time, Mr. President, thank you very much I've taken—

Biden: After this is all over, I'm happy to talk with you. For real.

Correction, June 5

The original version of this transcript misspelled the surname of someone President Biden mentioned while recalling conversations with fellow world leaders. It was German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, not Schultz.

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